John Chilembwe's motivation facts for kids
Many people have wondered what made John Chilembwe start an uprising in 1915. He was a Baptist minister in Malawi (which was then called Nyasaland). After the revolt was stopped, a special group called the Commission of Inquiry looked into it. Historians have also studied his reasons for many years.
It's not fully clear if his main reasons were political, social, economic, or religious. This is because Chilembwe didn't leave a detailed record of why he led the armed revolt. Since he was a minister, many people have focused on his religious ideas. They wonder if his beliefs were traditional or if they were about a "new age" (millennialism). They also question how these ideas influenced his decision to fight.
For about ten years after he returned to Nyasaland, Chilembwe worked to help Africans improve their lives. He focused on education and learning useful skills. This was similar to the ideas of famous African-American leaders like Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois. However, there isn't much direct proof of his exact political goals or what he preached early on.
Chilembwe was trained as a Baptist minister in the United States. He never joined any other church group. He used religious language in his letters, as a minister would. But his writings were not clearly about a "new age" (millennial). He seemed to hold regular Baptist views.
Many historians believe the Chilembwe uprising was planned. They think there were secret meetings before it happened. Some even say Chilembwe got a book on military tactics. The authorities reportedly knew about the planned revolt months before it started. However, another source claims there was little preparation. This source says the authorities found nothing when they watched Chilembwe's mail, even though he knew his mail was being watched.
Contents
Why Chilembwe Acted
If Chilembwe wrote down why he, a respected clergyman, planned an armed revolt, that record is now lost. He and most of his main helpers were killed or ran away after the uprising failed. So, they were never questioned about their reasons.
Many possible reasons have been suggested for the revolt. Some are supported by old records, while others are based on later stories or guesses. Chilembwe seemed willing to work with the colonial system until about 1912. But from 1909, he wanted to improve conditions for Africans. He especially cared about workers on European farms. This goal might have started a feeling of nationalism in him.
In his last years, there were signs that he was unhappy with European officials and landowners. By 1908, he had serious debts. By 1914, he was being pressured to pay them back. Also, the financial help he got from the National Baptist Convention in the United States was greatly reduced. During this time, he also suffered from asthma and his eyesight was getting worse.
From 1911, Chilembwe became very worried about workers from Mozambique. Many of them were members of his church. These workers were on European-owned farms, especially the A L Bruce Estates at Magomero. They faced higher taxes in 1912 and suffered from a famine in 1913.
Chilembwe and other educated Africans were angry. The European settlers and government refused to respect them. They also didn't offer good job chances or a political voice. Finally, the African deaths in World War I deeply affected him. Many African soldiers and porters died in the East African campaign. Government demands for more porters also directly impacted members of his Providence Industrial Mission.
Stories About Chilembwe's Uprising
Early Stories
The colonial government first tried to stop the revolt, then to explain it. They stopped it by executing many African leaders and farm foremen. In April 1915, soon after the rebellion, the Nyasaland government created a Commission of Inquiry. This group was to report on why the "Native rising" happened. It included colonial officials, a missionary, and a farm owner. They looked into complaints that might have caused the uprising.
The Commission's report suggested the revolt aimed to remove Europeans and create an African state. They blamed Chilembwe's teachings and his church members. However, they admitted that working conditions on some farms were bad. The Commission also criticized Scottish churches for treating African church members as equals to Europeans. They thought independent African churches caused racial anger by preaching equality. They suggested these churches should be strictly controlled by the government.
The first full book about John Chilembwe was written by Shepperson and Price. They believed the revolt's causes went back many years, not just to events right before it. They saw Chilembwe as an early nationalist. He wanted to create a new nation, not just bring back old leaders. Chilembwe did not reject European education. He believed Africans should share in Western technology and culture, which Europeans in Nyasaland kept for themselves.
These authors thought Chilembwe mainly wanted to set up an independent African state. Its exact size and how it would be run were unclear. They also thought his second goal was to protest against the war and colonial rule. Shepperson continued to see Chilembwe as a nationalist. He believed Chilembwe's letter to the "Nyasaland Times" in November 1914 showed his views. In this letter, Chilembwe argued that African deaths and sacrifices in World War I meant they deserved respect and a say in government.
We understand that we have been invited to shed our innocent blood in this world's war which is now in progress throughout the wide world. On the commencement of the war we understood it was said indirectly that Africa had nothing to do with the civilised war. But now we find that the poor African has already been plunged into the great war.
A number of our people have already shed their blood, while some are crippled for life. And an open declaration has been issued. A number of Police are marching in various villages persuading well built natives to join in the war. The masses of our people are ready to put on uniforms ignorant of what they have to face or why they have to face it.
We ask the Honourable government of our country which is known as Nyasaland, Will there be any good prospects for the natives after the end of the war? Shall we be recognised as anybody in the best interests of civilisation and Christianity after the great struggle is ended? Because we are imposed upon more than any other nationality under the sun. Any true gentleman who will read this without the eye of prejudice will agree and recognise the fact that the natives have been loyal since the commencement of this Government, and that in all departments of Nyasaland their welfare has been incomplete without us. And no time have we been ever known to betray any trust, national or otherwise, confided to us. Everybody knows that the natives have been loyal to all Nyasaland interests and Nyasaland institutions. For our part we have never allowed the Nyasaland flag to touch the ground, while honour and credit have often gone to others. We have unreservedly stepped to the firing line in every conflict and played a patriot's part with the Spirit of true gallantry. But in time of peace the Government failed to help the underdog. In time of peace everything for Europeans only. And instead of honour we suffer humiliation with names contemptible. But in time of war it has been found that needed to share hardships and shed our blood in equality. It is true that we have no voice in this Government. It is even true that there is a spot of our blood in the cross of the Nyasaland Government. But regarding this worldwide war, we understand that this was not a royal war, nor a government war, nor a war of gain for any description; it is a war of free nations against a devilish system of imperial domination and national spoliation. If this were a war as above mentioned such as war for honour, Government gain of riches, etc., we would have been boldly told: Let the rich men, bankers, titled men, storekeepers, farmers and landlords go to war and get shot. Instead the poor Africans who have nothing to own in this present world, who in death, leave only a long line of widows and orphans in utter want and dire distress are invited to die for a cause which is not theirs. It is too late now to talk of what might or might not have been. Whatsoever be the reasons why we are invited to join in the war, the fact remains, we are invited to die for Nyasaland. We leave all for the consideration of the Government, we hope in the Mercy of Almighty God, that some day things will turn out when and that Government will recognise our indispensability, and that justice win.
Shepperson and Price noted that Chilembwe got his religious training with help from the National Baptist Convention. This was one of the largest Black Baptist groups in the United States. His work in Nyasaland received money from them, and he always stayed connected. Shepperson believed Chilembwe never claimed to be a prophet. He rejected the idea that Chilembwe was linked to the Watchtower movement. Chilembwe himself said he had no connection to the Watchtower movement.
Historian Robert Rotberg also saw Chilembwe's revolt as mostly about politics and nationalism. He thought Chilembwe either planned to create an independent government or to protest colonial rule. Rotberg believed Chilembwe's nationalist feelings grew after 1909. He became unwilling to work with the colonial system after 1912. This was especially true when a severe famine in Mozambique in 1913 brought many migrants to Nyasaland.
Later Stories
Later historians like Tangri confirmed the views of Shepperson and Price. Tangri said there was no direct proof that Chilembwe was influenced by the Watchtower movement. Tangri emphasized non-religious reasons for the revolt. These included the bad conditions for workers on European farms and Chilembwe's own problems. The revolt aimed to create an African state or make a strong protest.
Phiri, who had access to the Commission of Inquiry's records, argued that Chilembwe's training in the U.S. and his experience with racism shaped his views. He wanted black people to have freedom and equality through education. This also made him resentful of colonial rule. Phiri quoted two reliable sources who said Chilembwe gave a speech to his forces. This speech stressed patriotism, not religious predictions.
"You are going out to fight as African patriots, not just for Nyasaland but the whole of Africa, for the whole black race. Africa is one, from the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean; remember this. Freedom is the cry for Africa, of the Negro race. I am not saying you are going to win the war and then become kings…some of us will die on the battlefield and leave behind widows and orphans, but they will be a free people. Our blood will mean something at last."
Joseph Booth's Influence
Chilembwe received some early education at the Blantyre Mission. He was not baptized into the Church of Scotland. When Joseph Booth met John Chilembwe in Nyasaland, Booth was a Baptist minister. He later traveled with Chilembwe to the United States in 1897. Booth left the Baptist Church in 1898 and joined the Seventh Day Baptists. He stayed with them until 1901.
When Chilembwe returned to Nyasaland in 1900, he was Booth's main contact. But their relationship became less close over time. Booth tried to convince Chilembwe to accept Saturday as the day of worship, but Chilembwe did not follow him. Booth was part of the Watch Tower Society for only three years (1906-1909). There is no proof that Booth ever told Chilembwe to join that group or adopt their "new age" beliefs.
Elliot Kenan Kamwana was educated at the Livingstonia mission. He may have met Booth in southern Nyasaland in 1902. He certainly met Booth in South Africa in 1907. Booth taught Kamwana a mix of his own beliefs and Watchtower ideas. This was to prepare Kamwana for missionary work in Nyasaland. Once Kamwana returned in 1908, he became Booth's main contact.
Kamwana left the Watchtower movement in 1909. His beliefs about Saturday worship didn't fit with their teachings. Unlike Chilembwe, Kamwana left notes and letters. These clearly show his belief in "new age" ideas. Kamwana likely believed God would directly overthrow the British. He saw 1914 as the start of a new age, a kingdom of God in Africa.
From 1910, Booth's main contact in Nyasaland became Charles Domingo. Domingo had been educated at Livingstonia mission. He became a teacher and preacher there. After leaving the Free Church in 1908, Domingo moved south. Chilembwe baptized him and encouraged him to move to Mozambique. Domingo later joined an independent Seventh Day Baptist church.
Booth's religious influence on Chilembwe, Kamwana, and Domingo was different. This was because Booth often changed his church groups. However, his influence on their social and political views was similar. Booth wanted big social changes. He believed in full racial equality and peace. He also felt it was important to protest against colonial powers. He wanted Africans to have religious, economic, and political independence.
Between 1895 and 1897, Booth developed his "Africa for the Africans" plan. This aimed to help Africans become financially independent. This would happen through Christian teaching, especially by African-American and later African pastors. He also wanted higher education and practical skills taught in Industrial Missions. Chilembwe supported these ideas at his Providence Industrial Mission.
African-American Influences
Chilembwe experienced racism in America. He got his religious training at a segregated college in Virginia. There, he likely learned about African-American history. He probably learned about slave revolts led by Nat Turner and John Brown. The college principal, Gregory Willis Hayes, had strong independent views. The radical ideas he shared, from leaders like John Brown and Frederick Douglass, deeply affected Chilembwe.
Separate African-American churches formed in the United States. These churches often kept ties with mainstream churches. Other African-American churches had no links to white churches. These independent churches were sometimes seen as dangerous by authorities. In Africa, "Ethiopian" churches were linked in European minds with African-Americans. Europeans thought these churches preached a weaker version of Christianity that promoted African independence.
Chilembwe was educated in the U.S. at a college for African-Americans. He was connected to an African-American group and had African-American helpers. His Providence Industrial Mission was seen as an "Ethiopian" church with political goals because of these American influences.
Throughout his ministry, Chilembwe received money from the National Baptist Convention of America. They also sent him their publications. An African minister in Nyasaland at the time believed Chilembwe's teachings on race were purely American. Shepperson recently suggested there is much more information about Chilembwe in America. This includes his letters to the National Baptist Convention's magazine, "The Missionary."
An African-American view highlights Chilembwe's traditional Baptist training in the U.S. It suggests his mission was like an African-American mission, similar to European missions. Chilembwe's idea that black people would be saved and white people would not likely came from his American training. His dream of African freedom was based on his admiration for John Brown.
Chilembwe's Possible "New Age" Beliefs
Background
The idea that Chilembwe was greatly affected by "new age" (millennial) views was studied by Jane and Ian Linden. Their study mainly focused on the last year of Chilembwe's life. They argued that he became more open to "new age" ideas in late 1914. They claimed that earlier historians had downplayed these explanations for the uprising. The Lindens believed that between October 1914 and January 1915, Chilembwe's attitude changed from accepting European rule to rebelling. They saw his letter in November 1914 as his last moderate act. After that, they thought his more aggressive followers pushed him into a "new age" uprising.
It is clear that the Watch Tower Society and Elliot Kamwana held "new age" beliefs. But there is little direct proof that Chilembwe held such beliefs himself. The Lindens saw a connection between Chilembwe's followers and those with "new age" beliefs as indirect proof. They called it strong circumstantial evidence. They believed these beliefs were central to his motivation for the uprising.
Some of Chilembwe's followers were members of known "new age" churches. This was especially true for the few who could read Watch Tower Society publications. The Lindens' research focused on the uprising in the Ncheu area, not Chilembwe's own mission. However, another historian, McCracken, believes events in Ncheu were a separate, failed uprising not controlled by Chilembwe.
Kamwana and his close followers believed in peace. They likely thought God would directly start the "new age" and overthrow colonial rule. Even after Kamwana was sent away in 1909, most of his followers remained peaceful. A small number of his supporters joined Chilembwe's church. Some of them received Watch Tower Society publications and expressed "new age" beliefs. But only a handful of Kamwana's former supporters took part in the uprising.
The Lindens listed people connected to Chilembwe's uprising whose beliefs are known. However, this list includes Elliot Kamwana and his peaceful followers who did not join the uprising. It also includes Seventh Day Baptists and Watchtower followers who were not members of Chilembwe's mission. They were, at most, supporters of the rebellion. Only Duncan Njilima and two others can be shown to have been involved in the uprising and had "new age" leanings.
Many of Chilembwe's main followers were educated at the Church of Scotland's Blantyre Mission. A large number of those considered rebels were baptized members of that mission. Some of these had left to join Chilembwe's church. But others were still members of the Church of Scotland during the uprising. The government's Commission of Inquiry criticized the Blantyre Mission. They felt it treated African church members as equals to European members.
Evidence of "New Age" Views
The Lindens linked Chilembwe's "new age" views to the Watchtower movement. They specifically mentioned Kamwana's version of its teachings. They also noted some broader ideas about the end times from the Bible. A later writer thought Chilembwe was first influenced by ideas about racial injustice in the United States. These views grew stronger from his experiences in Nyasaland. But in the months before his rebellion, he focused more on Old Testament prophecies. He believed these applied to Nyasaland in late 1914 and early 1915.
The last sentence of Chilembwe's letter from December 22, 1914, is seen as a clear "end times" message. It suggests he saw himself as a leader who would bring about a "New Jerusalem." However, Chilembwe's exact meaning of this phrase is not recorded.
"We are not yet in prison.... It is true that I have written a letter to ask the government for the rights of my people. Brother Chinyama will tell you all about it as he has read the copy of the letter. My dear brethren be strong, preach the true Gospel trusting that our Heavenly Father will help us. Strengthen all weak brethren. Preach the Kingdom of God is at hand."
Chilembwe first mentions his letter from November 1914, asking for African rights. He hopes for God's help to achieve this. He ends with a seven-word phrase that can be understood in both "new age" and non-"new age" ways.
Despite claims that Chilembwe saw himself as a messiah, Shepperson and Price denied this. Chilembwe never called himself a prophet or messiah. His only recorded mention of "New Jerusalem" was about his church. This might have been a reference to a place in Virginia, where Nat Turner's rebellion happened. There is no proof that his use of these words was connected to Charles Taze Russell's view of "New Jerusalem."
The Uprising
One story suggests that Chilembwe had no plans for an uprising until December 1914. It also claims he didn't play a big part in it. David Kaduya, a former soldier, had talked about armed revolt since early 1914. He was said to be the real leader of the uprising in the Shire Highlands. However, other sources say he was one of five or six leaders chosen by Chilembwe. Kaduya worked for the Providence Industrial Mission. His religious beliefs were mixed, but he always believed Africans should fight for their own nation.
Among the other leaders, Duncan Njilima, a Providence Industrial Mission member, was said to hold "new age" views. At his trial, Njilima said a meeting with Chilembwe on January 16, 1915, started the uprising. Chilembwe reportedly said:
"All the Europeans want to kill all of us black men. We will therefore go quickly and kill the Europeans.”
Little is known about Stephen Mkulitchi's religious views, except that he was a mission member. John Gray Kufa, who was supposed to lead a group but didn't, was a church leader. Attacks on the A L Bruce Estates were led by two former foremen. They had been fired in 1913 for being members of the Providence Industrial Mission. These attacks seemed to be a reaction to the harsh treatment of workers on the estate.
The confusion after the first attacks might be because the rebels expected God to intervene. Or it could be because they failed to reach their goals. The attacks on the A L Bruce Estates did succeed in harming some European employees. But the fighters sent to Blantyre failed to get many weapons or start a large popular uprising. Stories about Chilembwe's final sermon on January 24, 1915, are different. Some say it was about accepting defeat, while others say it focused on the "new age."
Finally, the Lindens argued that different ethnic and religious groups in Nyasaland prevented a widespread commitment to Chilembwe's ideas. But Phiri noted that Chilembwe gathered supporters from many ethnic groups. These included Yao, Lomwe, Nyanja, Chikunda, Ngoni, and Tonga people. They all hoped to achieve the common goal of African independence.
Watch Tower Society Beliefs
From the 1870s, the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania predicted a coming "Second Coming" of Christ. They believed a "new age" kingdom would be formed by God, not by human effort. This kingdom would replace the current social and political order.
Writers on Chilembwe agree that Charles Taze Russell, the President of the Watchtower Society, believed in peace. He told his followers to respect governments and avoid fighting. Kamwana claimed to have baptized both white and black people. He followed the traditional Watchtower teaching that did not support violence.
Different Views and What We Know Now
Different Stories and Facts
A recent general account of the Chilembwe uprising uses information from many historians. It argues that the revolt started because of harsh treatment of workers from Mozambique. It also points to Booth's and African-American influences on Chilembwe. And it mentions the denial of opportunities for educated Africans. This account also suggests that the timing of the revolt in early 1915 was not a coincidence. It happened shortly after World War I began, a time when people had "end times" expectations.
Most researchers believe that the problems that led Chilembwe to consider a revolt became clear between 1909 and 1913. He was probably willing to accept colonial rule until 1912. The deaths of African soldiers and porters in World War I was likely the final trigger for his actions. An alternative view is that Chilembwe's attitude changed only between October 1914 and January 1915. This view suggests he was pushed into an uprising by his more aggressive followers' "new age" expectations.
Most authors also believe the Chilembwe uprising was planned over several months in 1914 and early 1915. They think Chilembwe himself played a leading role in the planning. The Lindens claim little or no preparation was made before January 1915. They also say Chilembwe did not play a big role in planning or leading it. Finally, the rebels' confusion after the first night is explained in two ways. It could be because they failed to get guns or start a popular uprising. Or it could be because they expected God to intervene.
Despite Shepperson's view that Chilembwe never claimed to be a prophet, there is growing support for the idea that the uprising had a Christian, and possibly "new age," inspiration. Some now see Chilembwe as a prophet, perhaps an armed prophet like Nat Turner or John Brown.
Putting It All Together
Chilembwe's personal reasons are still not fully clear. But his worries about immigrant workers and their harsh treatment are recorded. His disagreements with the A L Bruce Estates and William Jervis Livingstone are also known. His growing dislike of European rule from 1912 onwards and his anger about African involvement in World War I are also noted. His declining health, money problems, and personal issues were also factors. None of these alone can be proven as the cause of the uprising, but none can be ignored.
An African-American view, while acknowledging the Lindens' work, highlights Chilembwe's traditional training in the United States. It stresses his reliance on help from the National Baptist Convention. This means his Providence Industrial Mission could be seen as an African-American mission, similar to European missions. Chilembwe's idea that black people would be saved and white people would not likely came from his American training. His ideal of African freedom may have been based on his admiration for John Brown.
"New age" expectations were high in Central Africa in 1914. But these views were mostly linked to Elliot Kamwana. Some of Kamwana's former followers were drawn to Chilembwe. This was possibly because he was the only strong African preacher available after Kamwana was sent away. This attraction might not have come from Chilembwe's own "new age" views. Instead, his American training and contacts connected him to a belief that African-Americans would free Africans from colonial rule.
Historian Yekutiel Gershoni noted that after World War I began, rumors spread. People heard that African-American soldiers were in the East African campaign. This led to hopes that Kamwana's predicted "Battle of Armageddon" would happen in 1914. By 1915, Kamwana's predictions failed. This disappointment led many of his supporters to turn to Chilembwe instead.
The Commission of Inquiry thought Chilembwe was influenced by "new age" beliefs. Chilembwe was also linked in European minds with radical "Ethiopianism." However, Chilembwe was probably influenced by many religious ideas. These included traditional, "new age," and even local beliefs. The exact impact of each is unclear. His contacts with "new age" churches were part of his effort to form alliances with other independent African churches. These alliances were not purely for religious reasons. Also, his contacts with traditional churches were more numerous than with "new age" ones.
McCracken points out the influence of the Church of Scotland Blantyre Mission on several of Chilembwe's main followers. These followers were educated there. Other educated followers of Chilembwe belonged to different churches and had various religious beliefs. Ordinary Africans considered rebels belonged either to Chilembwe's Providence Industrial Mission or to Blantyre mission. Shortly before the uprising, Chilembwe baptized hundreds of new workers. These were likely potential recruits for an attack on the colonial system, with little understanding of religious teachings.
It's hard to say which pressures were most important. But it's also hard to rule out the role of "new age" beliefs. Any explanation of the uprising's causes and Chilembwe's reasons must consider all available information. It should prioritize the most reliable sources.
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