Alfred Hugenberg facts for kids
Quick facts for kids
Alfred Hugenberg
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Hugenberg in 1933
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| Reich Minister of Economics | |
| In office 30 January 1933 – 29 June 1933 |
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| President | Paul von Hindenburg |
| Chancellor | Adolf Hitler |
| Preceded by | Hermann Warmbold |
| Succeeded by | Kurt Schmitt |
| Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture | |
| In office 30 January 1933 – 29 June 1933 |
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| President | Paul von Hindenburg |
| Chancellor | Adolf Hitler |
| Preceded by | Magnus von Braun |
| Succeeded by | Richard Walther Darré |
| Member of the Reichstag | |
| In office 1920–1933 |
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| Constituency | North Westphalia |
| Member of the German National Assembly | |
| In office 6 February 1919 – 21 May 1920 |
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| Personal details | |
| Born |
Alfred Ernst Christian Alexander Hugenberg
19 June 1865 Hanover, Kingdom of Hanover |
| Died | 12 March 1951 (aged 85) Kükenbruch, West Germany |
| Political party | German National People's Party |
| Spouse | Gertrud Adickes |
| Alma mater | Göttingen, Heidelberg, Berlin, Straßburg |
Alfred Hugenberg (born June 19, 1865 – died March 12, 1951) was an important German businessman and politician. He was a key figure in nationalist politics in Germany during the early 1900s. Hugenberg became a leading owner of newspapers and other media between the two World Wars.
As the leader of the German National People's Party (DNVP), he played a big part in helping Adolf Hitler become Chancellor of Germany in 1933. Hugenberg even served in Hitler's first government. He hoped to control Hitler and use him for his own plans. However, his plans failed, and by the end of 1933, Hugenberg had lost his power. He remained a "guest" member of the Reichstag until 1945, but he no longer had any real political influence.
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Early Life and Career
Alfred Hugenberg was born in Hanover. His father was a government official who later became a politician. Young Alfred studied law and economics at several universities. He was interested in poetry, but his father wanted him to become a bureaucrat, like himself.
In 1891, Hugenberg earned a PhD. His ideas focused on helping German farmers, encouraging them to be like small business owners. He believed this would protect Germany from socialist ideas. He also thought Germany needed to expand its territory and create a large empire to be powerful. He saw Britain, the United States, and Russia as Germany's main rivals.
Hugenberg was strongly nationalistic. He co-founded the Pan-German League, a group that believed in German superiority and expansion. He also worked as a civil servant in Posen (now Poznań, Poland), where he supported policies to settle ethnic Germans on land bought from Poles. He wanted to make these areas more German.
Later, Hugenberg left government work for a career in business. In 1909, he became a top manager at Krupp Steel, a huge arms manufacturer. He worked closely with Gustav Krupp, the company's CEO. Hugenberg was known for being very determined and sometimes difficult to work with. He often disagreed with the workers' unions.
During his time at Krupp, Hugenberg helped increase the company's profits. He was even awarded the Order of the Red Eagle by Emperor Wilhelm II for his success. Hugenberg believed that democracy would not help German workers. Instead, he thought a "much richer, much greater and much more powerful Germany" would solve their problems. After the 1912 elections, he became interested in media, thinking that right-wing parties needed more newspapers to share their views.
World War I and Media Empire
When World War I began in 1914, Hugenberg supported it. He worked with his friend Heinrich Class of the Pan-German League. They wanted Germany to annex (take over) large parts of Europe, Africa, and Asia after winning the war. They believed this would make Germany the world's greatest power.
Hugenberg started buying newspapers and publishing houses in 1916 to promote his expansionist ideas. He secretly received help from the German government, which distrusted liberal newspapers. He bought the Scherl newspaper chain, which included important papers like Der Tag and the Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger. He used these papers to push for his nationalist and imperialist goals.
After Germany's defeat in 1918, Hugenberg used money meant for colonization plans to buy more newspapers. During the Great Depression, he bought many local papers. These became the foundation of his media empire, which also included a controlling interest in Universum Film AG (UFA), a major film studio. He used his media empire to oppose the Weimar Republic, Germany's democratic government at the time.
Hugenberg blamed Germany's defeat in World War I on internal betrayal, a belief known as the "stab-in-the-back" myth. He thought Germany had not truly been defeated by its enemies. He was convinced that Germany would rise again and win the next world war.
Becoming a Nationalist Leader
After World War I, Hugenberg joined the German National People's Party (DNVP). He was elected to the Reichstag in 1920. He wanted to "cure" the "sick and crazy climate" of the Weimar Republic. Hugenberg believed in bringing together different nationalist groups to oppose the republic.
He often defined his goals by finding "enemies" to unite people against. For example, he called the Finance Minister a "traitor" for signing the armistice in 1918. Hugenberg supported "catastrophe politics," believing that things had to get worse for the Weimar Republic to end.
Hugenberg founded a popular tabloid newspaper, the Berliner Illustrierte Nachtausgabe. He also created the Telegraphen-Union (TU), a news agency that provided national and international news to many smaller German newspapers. The TU's news coverage was very supportive of right-wing parties that opposed the Weimar Republic. Hugenberg's papers constantly repeated the message that the Weimar Republic was born from the "stab-in-the-back" and that its leaders were "November criminals."
His media empire was most influential in small towns and rural areas. Many local newspapers relied on the Hugenberg-owned TU for their news. Although he was often seen as representing industrialists, Hugenberg's strong nationalist and expansionist views were more aligned with the Pan-German League. He believed in "survival of the fittest" and wanted Germany to be self-sufficient economically.
In 1923, when France occupied the Ruhr region due to Germany's failure to pay war reparations, Hugenberg welcomed the resulting hyperinflation. He saw it as a sign that the Weimar Republic would soon collapse. He believed Germany needed a strong leader to unite the masses.
Party Leader
The DNVP lost many seats in the 1928 election. This led to Hugenberg becoming the party's sole chairman on October 21, 1928. He moved the party in a much more extreme direction. He wanted to overthrow the Weimar constitution and create an authoritarian government.
Under his leadership, the DNVP demanded the return of the monarchy, an end to the Treaty of Versailles terms, and the rebuilding of the German colonial empire. They also wanted to reduce the influence of Jews in German public life. Hugenberg tried to make the DNVP more authoritarian, which caused some members to leave and form new parties.
Despite his business background, many industrialists began to leave the DNVP under Hugenberg's leadership. They felt he was too rigid and unwilling to compromise. Hugenberg himself became the party's largest financial supporter, which strengthened his control.
He had bought the UFA film studio to make right-wing "national" films. However, to make money, UFA mostly produced films for a wide audience. Only a few of the "national" films he wanted were successful.
Politics of Polarization
Hugenberg had a plan to destroy the Weimar Republic, which he called "the System." He wanted to divide German politics into two main groups: a right-wing "national" group (led by himself) and the Marxist left (Social Democrats and Communists). He aimed to use controversial issues to force people to choose sides, hoping to weaken all centrist parties.
In June 1929, Hugenberg decided to oppose the Young Plan, which was an agreement to reduce Germany's war reparations. He used his newspapers to describe the Young Plan as "financial slavery" that would make Germany poor. He wanted a public vote (referendum) on the plan to discredit the government.
Hugenberg knew his party alone didn't have enough public support. So, he sought a nationalist leader with support among working-class people. He chose Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party. Hugenberg's media empire began giving the Nazi Party favorable coverage and financial support. This gave the Nazis access to a wider audience.
The proposed anti-Young Plan law, called the "Freedom Law," included a controversial part that called for imprisoning politicians who supported the Young Plan. This part was added by Hitler and accepted by Hugenberg. However, it divided the DNVP, and many members opposed it. Despite Hugenberg's efforts and his newspapers' strong support, the referendum failed in December 1929.
Hitler used Hugenberg to gain mainstream political acceptance. Once the Young Plan was passed, Hitler ended his close links with Hugenberg. Hugenberg's strategy of polarization had helped Hitler more than himself.
In 1930, Hugenberg refused to join the government of Heinrich Brüning, saying he wanted to see the "collapse" of the system. His party's influence declined, while the Nazis gained many more seats in the 1930 election. Hugenberg still believed Hitler would eventually defer to him.
Hitler's Rise to Power
By early 1933, Hugenberg was frustrated by his failure to gain power. He met with Hitler in January 1933. Hugenberg wanted them both to join a government led by Kurt von Schleicher, but Hitler insisted on being Chancellor.
During negotiations, President Paul von Hindenburg insisted that Hugenberg be given the ministries of Economics and Agriculture. Hugenberg agreed, believing he could control Hitler. He told a friend, "we'll box Hitler in." He also accepted the role of "economic dictator" in the new government.
However, Hugenberg was surprised to learn that Hitler planned to call new elections immediately. He initially opposed this, fearing it would hurt his party. But after being told that Hindenburg supported the plan and that a military coup was possible, he agreed. Hugenberg campaigned for the Nazi-DNVP alliance.
Hugenberg, along with other DNVP cabinet members, voted for the Reichstag Fire Decree in February 1933, which removed many civil liberties. He also voted for the Enabling Act of 1933, which gave Hitler dictatorial powers. Hugenberg believed this act would only apply to the "present government" and that Hitler could not dismiss him.
Removal from Politics
As Minister of Economy and Agriculture, Hugenberg tried to help farmers by stopping foreclosures and setting tariffs. He also limited margarine production to help dairy farmers, but this made butter and margarine expensive and made him unpopular.
Hugenberg's influence quickly faded. He was stubborn and difficult to work with, even for other conservative ministers. His plans for a self-sufficient German economy were seen as unrealistic and likely to isolate Germany internationally.
In June 1933, Hugenberg attended the London Economic Conference. There, he proposed that Germany needed to expand its colonies in Africa and gain "living space" in Eastern Europe to solve its economic problems. This caused a major international outcry. The French and Soviet governments protested. The German Foreign Minister, Konstantin von Neurath, tried to say these were just Hugenberg's "private" views, but Hugenberg insisted he was speaking for the government. This made the German delegation look foolish.
Hugenberg became increasingly isolated. He was forced to resign from the cabinet on June 29, 1933. He was replaced by ministers loyal to the Nazi Party. The DNVP officially dissolved itself shortly after. Hugenberg signed an agreement to dissolve his party in exchange for promises that its members would be treated fairly by the Nazis.
Although he lost his cabinet position, Hugenberg was allowed to remain in the Reichstag until 1945 as a "guest" member. However, he had no real influence, as the Reichstag was dominated by Nazi deputies and met very rarely.
Later Years
Hugenberg lost his news agency, the Telegraphen Union, in December 1933, as it was taken over by the Nazi Propaganda Ministry. However, he kept most of his other media interests until 1943, when the Nazi publishing house, Eher Verlag, bought his Scherl House. Hugenberg negotiated a good deal, receiving shares in other industries.
He last met Hitler in 1935. By then, Hugenberg's influence was gone. His son was killed in action during the war. Hugenberg refused to show grief publicly, fearing it would be seen as weakness.
At the end of World War II, Hugenberg was arrested by British military police in 1946. His assets were frozen. However, in 1949, a court ruled that he was a "Mitläufer" (a "fellow traveler" or supporter, but not a leading Nazi). This meant he was allowed to keep his property and businesses. Hugenberg spent his final years denying any responsibility for the Nazi regime. He died on March 12, 1951, still insisting he had always acted correctly.
See also
In Spanish: Alfred Hugenberg para niños
Images for kids
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Hugenberg Papen poster.
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Hugenberg in Bad Harzburg, 1931, with Prince Eitel Friedrich
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Hugenberg in the first Hitler cabinet on 30 January 1933
