Western Federation of Miners facts for kids

A famous flyer from the Western Federation of Miners, asking "Is Colorado in America?"

The Western Federation of Miners (WFM) was a powerful labor union for miners. It became known for its strong actions in the mines of the western United States and British Columbia. The WFM worked hard to organize both hard rock miners and smelter workers. This often led to big conflicts and battles with mine owners and government officials.

One of the most famous fights happened in Cripple Creek, Colorado, from 1903 to 1904. These events are known as the Colorado Labor Wars. The WFM also helped start the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in 1905. However, they later left that group.

In 1916, the WFM changed its name to the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers. People often called it "Mine Mill." After a quiet period, the union grew strong again in the 1930s. It helped create the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935. In 1950, the Mine Mill union was removed from the CIO. This happened during a time called the Red Scare, because some of its leaders were believed to be Communists.

For years, Mine Mill fought against the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) trying to take its members. In 1967, Mine Mill and the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) joined together. They kept the name Mine Mill Local 598 in some areas.

Starting the Western Federation of Miners

Miners had tried to form unions before, but often didn't succeed. The Western Federation of Miners was officially started on May 15, 1893. It was formed when several miners' unions joined together. These unions represented copper miners from Butte, Montana, silver and lead miners from Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, and gold miners from Colorado, South Dakota, and Utah. They all met at a five-day meeting in Butte, Montana. John Gilligan was the first president, and W.J. Weeks was the first secretary-treasurer.

Historians Fred W. Thompson and Patrick Murfin described the WFM. They said it was a "frontier union" for workers who had recently become "wage slaves." These workers were not yet used to strict business rules. They built their union with a strong, fighting spirit. The WFM always looked for ways to unite workers.

Before the WFM formed, miners had already faced tough fights. In the Coeur d'Alene strike in 1892, company guards shot five striking miners. The miners fought back, disarmed the guards, and forced over a hundred strikebreakers out of town. The governor then asked for federal troops. President Benjamin Harrison sent General John Schofield, who declared martial law. About 600 strikers were arrested and held in a prison camp. They had no right to a trial or habeas corpus. Schofield also told mine owners to fire any union members they had rehired.

During this conflict, the Butte Miners' Union in Butte, Montana helped a lot. They even mortgaged their buildings to send money and support. Miners worried that local unions were too weak against powerful groups like the Mine Owners' Association in Coeur d'Alene. So, in May 1893, about forty delegates from mining towns met in Butte. They created the Western Federation of Miners to organize miners across the entire West.

Key Moments in WFM History

Cripple Creek Strike of 1894

Cripple Creek miners' strike of 1894

More violence happened in later strikes. In Cripple Creek, Colorado, mine owners tried to make the workday longer, from eight hours to ten. Miners reacted by using dynamite on mine buildings and equipment. The county sheriff hired thousands of armed deputies, but he lost control of them. This 1894 strike was unusual. A state militia was called in to protect the striking miners from an armed group supporting the mine owners.

The violence stopped when the owners agreed to go back to an eight-hour day. They also agreed to pay miners three dollars a day. This became the standard wage the union fought for across the West. This success helped the WFM grow a lot over the next ten years. It soon had over two hundred local groups in thirteen states.

Leadville Strike of 1896–97

Leadville Colorado, Miners' Strike

A strike in Leadville, Colorado, made the WFM leaders even more determined. The Cloud City Miners' Union, part of the WFM, asked for a fifty-cent pay raise for miners earning less than three dollars a day. This was because wages had been cut during a tough economic time in 1893. Talks failed, and 968 miners went on strike. Mine owners, who had a secret anti-union agreement, then locked out another 1,332 workers.

The owners hired spies to watch the union and to report on replacement workers. Just days after union leaders warned against violence, a violent event happened at the Coronado Mine. At least four union miners and one fireman were killed. Colorado Governor McIntire sent the Colorado National Guard to Leadville.

Joining and Leaving the American Federation of Labor

Labor federation competition in the United States

The WFM joined the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in 1896. However, WFM delegates were disappointed after the AFL meeting in Cincinnati. They felt the AFL did not help enough with their big fight in Leadville. They also felt the AFL leaders were not strong union supporters.

The WFM left the AFL the next year. With support from other groups, the WFM created its own organization. This was the Western Labor Union (WLU), formed in 1898 in Salt Lake City. Its goal was to organize all workers in the West.

Coeur d'Alene Confrontation of 1899

Coeur d'Alene, Idaho labor confrontation of 1899

Another conflict in Coeur d'Alene in 1899 also involved violence. The profitable Bunker Hill Mining Company in Wardner, Idaho fired seventeen workers they thought were union members. On April 29, 250 angry miners took a train to a $250,000 mill at the Bunker Hill Mine. The miners then used three thousand pounds of dynamite to destroy the mill.

Idaho Governor Frank Steunenberg asked President William McKinley for military help. The military then rounded up 1,000 men without distinction. They put them into makeshift prisons called bullpens.

Emma F. Langdon, a union supporter, wrote in a 1908 book that Governor Steunenberg received a large sum of money after troops arrived. This suggested a possible bribe from mine operators. Later, author J. Anthony Lukas confirmed this in his book Big Trouble. He wrote that the Mine Owners' Association gave $32,000 to the state for legal costs. About a third of this came from Bunker Hill and Sullivan. $25,000 was given to Governor Steunenberg to use for legal actions.

Idaho miners were held for "months of imprisonment in the 'bull-pen'." This was a structure "unfit to house cattle," surrounded by barbed wire. Some miners were eventually freed without charges. Others were prosecuted. Hundreds more stayed in the makeshift prison without any charges. The Coeur d'Alene mine owners then started a permit system for hiring. This was to keep union miners out.

Growing Union Strength

At their 1901 meeting, WFM miners agreed that a "complete revolution of social and economic conditions" was needed. They believed this was "the only salvation of the working classes." WFM leaders openly called for ending the wage system. By spring 1903, the WFM was the most active labor organization in the country.

Colorado Strikes of 1903–04

Colorado Labor Wars

The plan to organize mill workers led to even tougher battles. Refinery companies paid their workers half what miners earned for a ten- to twelve-hour day. When smelter workers went on strike in Colorado City, Colorado in 1903, it seemed they might win easily. This was because Cripple Creek miners were striking in support of their demands. However, one smelter owner refused a deal made by Colorado Governor James Hamilton Peabody. The Governor then called in federal troops.

Governor Peabody was strongly against unions. He also opposed any laws that limited businesses' right to run their own affairs. The main issue in Colorado was the eight-hour day. The state legislature had passed a law for an eight-hour workday in dangerous jobs like mining. But the Colorado Supreme Court said it was unconstitutional. Colorado voters then approved a measure to allow the eight-hour day. Still, smelter owners and the Republican Party fought against any new law to make it happen.

The Governor's power came from Colorado's National Guard. Their salaries were paid by businesses, not the state. Their leader, General Sherman Bell, started arresting hundreds of union leaders, strikers, and local officials. Bell stopped local newspapers from printing anything negative about the military. He even ordered the arrest of a newspaper's entire staff because an editorial offended him. Bell famously said, "Military necessity recognizes no laws, either civil or social." When a union lawyer tried to free prisoners, Bell replied, "Habeas corpus, be damned! We'll give 'em post mortems!"

The violence got worse. On November 21, 1903, a mine explosion killed a superintendent and a foreman. Bell then announced an order that forced all strikers to return to work or be sent out of the district. On June 6, 1904, a bomb exploded at the Independence Depot near Victor, Colorado. It killed thirteen strikebreakers. Sheriff H.M. Robertson went to investigate. The situation became very tense, with many angry men in the streets.

The Cripple Creek Mine Owners' Association and an anti-union group, the Cripple Creek District Citizens' Alliance, met. They wanted to decide how to respond to the violence. Soon after, Sheriff Robertson, who the Mine Owners' Association thought was too soft on the union, was forced to resign. Edward Bell, a member of both the Mine Owners' Association and the Citizens' Alliance, replaced him.

In this tense situation, the Mine Owners' Association and the Citizens' Alliance called a public meeting. It was held across from the Western Federation of Miners union hall in Victor. Speeches against the union turned into arguments, then fist fights and shooting. Two non-union men were killed, and five others on both sides were hurt. WFM members hid in their hall. But Company L of the National Guard surrounded the hall. They fired into the building from nearby rooftops. Forty union members eventually gave up. Four of them had fresh wounds. The Citizen's Alliance entered the building and destroyed it.

Vigilantes then destroyed every union hall in the area. General Bell used the National Guard to send hundreds of strikers away. General Bell even closed the Portland Mine, owned by James Burns, because it had made a deal with the WFM.

After the Strikes

Courts eventually found all union members innocent of the railroad station bombing during the 1903–04 strike. They also awarded money to those who had been sent away. However, the strike and the union were broken in Cripple Creek. Similar actions happened in Telluride, Colorado. These events effectively forced the WFM out of many mining towns in Colorado.

Bingham Strike of 1912

On September 18, 1912, about 4,800 miners went on strike against the Utah Copper Company. This included all the main mines, mills, and smelters in the Bingham camp. Other Utah miners joined in support, bringing the total to 9,000 strikers. The company brought in 5,000 people and had protection from the Utah National Guard. The strike ended in October. By the end of the month, Daniel C. Jackling raised wages. The strike also ended the Padrone system, which was a system where bosses controlled workers' lives.

Michigan Copper Strike of 1913–1914

Copper Country Strike of 1913-1914

In July 1913, local WFM groups called a general strike against all mines in Michigan's Copper Country. The national WFM had not approved this strike. The union was very low on money after recent strikes in the West. The union supported the strike, but it was hard to provide pay and supplies to the strikers. Hundreds of strikers surrounded the mine shafts to stop others from working. Almost all mines shut down, though workers were divided on the strike. The union wanted an 8-hour day, a minimum wage of $3 per day, an end to using the one-man drill, and for companies to recognize the union.

The mines reopened with National Guard protection. Many workers went back to their jobs. The companies started the 8-hour day. But they refused the $3 minimum wage. They also refused to stop using the one-man drill. Most importantly, they refused to hire Western Federation of Miners members.

On Christmas Eve 1913, the WFM held a party for strikers and their families. It was at the Italian Benevolent Society hall in Calumet. The hall was packed with 400 to 500 people. Someone shouted "fire!" There was no fire, but 73 people, including 62 children, were crushed to death trying to escape. This terrible event became known as the Italian Hall Disaster. Soon after, WFM president Charles Moyer was shot. He was then forced onto a train headed for Chicago. The strikers continued until April 1914 but then gave up. The WFM was left with almost no money for its operations or future strikes.

WFM Loses Butte, Montana

Butte, Montana labor riots of 1914 In 1914, copper miners in Butte, Montana, were divided. Some were loyal to the WFM, while others wanted stronger action. Many of these supported the more radical Industrial Workers of the World. The more aggressive miners attacked WFM officials during the annual Union Day parade. Later, they blew up the WFM headquarters with dynamite. These unhappy miners started their own union. But neither the WFM nor the new union could keep peace among the miners. So, the mine owners recognized neither union. As a result, in Butte, which had been a WFM stronghold, mine owners did not recognize any miners' union from 1914 until 1934.

Starting the IWW

The WFM's defeats made it look for allies in its fight with employers. The union did not want to give up. The Western Labor Union had changed its name to the American Labor Union in 1902. The WFM now wanted to join with other groups that believed in industrial unionism (uniting all workers in an industry) and socialism (a system where society controls production). Their goal was to create a national union federation, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), in 1905.

The WFM had adopted a socialist program in 1901. "Big Bill" Haywood, who joined the union as a silver miner in Idaho, explained the union's anti-capitalist view simply. He sided with workers against mine owners who "did not find the gold, they did not mine the gold, they did not mill the gold, but by some weird alchemy all the gold belonged to them!"

Haywood was the first chairman of the IWW. He called its work "socialism with its working clothes on." But differences arose the next year between "revolutionists" and "reformists" within the IWW. These differences also divided the WFM leadership. This led to the WFM leaving the IWW in 1907. After the split, former WFM leaders Bill Haywood and Vincent St. John left the WFM to work for the IWW. The WFM rejoined the AFL in 1911.

Trial of Haywood, Pettibone and Moyer

On December 30, 1905, Frank Steunenberg, a former governor of Idaho, was killed. Authorities arrested Charles Moyer, the union's president, Bill Haywood, its secretary, and George Pettibone, a former member, in Colorado. They were put on trial for Steunenberg's death. The prosecution heavily relied on the testimony of Harry Orchard. He claimed that Haywood, Moyer, and Pettibone had hired him.

The prosecution had relied on the work of James McParland. He was an operative for the Pinkerton Detective Agency. He had helped convict the Molly Maguires thirty years earlier. He felt sure he would convict all three men.

McParland convinced Orchard that he could avoid being punished if he testified. Orchard claimed that a "secret group" of WFM leaders had ordered the crime. The legal action against this "secret group" was partly paid for by the Coeur d'Alene District Mine Owners' Association. They gave money directly to the lawyers, who were supposedly working for the state. When President Theodore Roosevelt heard about this, he strongly criticized Idaho Governor Frank R. Gooding. He called it a "grossest impropriety."

Roosevelt said that if the Governor or other Idaho officials took money from mine operators for the case, they would lose respect. He felt they would have "committed a real crime." Roosevelt's strong words came even though he already thought the WFM leaders were guilty. Governor Gooding's response to the President gave a twisted account of the money arrangements. He promised to return money from the mine owners. Gooding then "kept the narrowest construction of his promise." He publicly said that no private money was used, but he "went right on taking money from the mine owners."

Besides Idaho mine owners, rich business people outside Idaho also helped. They wanted to destroy the Western Federation of Miners. Donations for the legal effort were estimated to be $75,000 to $100,000. These came from the Colorado Mine Owners' Association and other wealthy Colorado donors. Mining interests in other states, like Nevada and Utah, were also asked for money.

The defense hired Clarence Darrow, a very famous lawyer. He had represented Eugene V. Debs years earlier. Despite the combined efforts of state governments, mine owners, detective agencies, and other rich business people, the jury found Bill Haywood innocent. Pettibone was also found innocent early the next year. All charges against Moyer were dropped. In a separate case, Orchard was found guilty and sentenced to death. His sentence was changed, and he spent the rest of his life in an Idaho prison. Orchard died in prison in 1954.

Mine Mill Union

Later strikes failed, and a tough economic time in 1914 caused the WFM's membership to drop sharply. In 1916, the union changed its name to the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers. For almost two decades, the union was not very effective. It had members who gave information to their employers. It could not win major improvements for its members.

However, things changed in 1934 when miners and smeltermen brought the union back to life. It returned to its strong, fighting roots. The union spread across the West from its base in Butte. Then it moved into the South and Canada. There were also union groups in non-ferrous smelters in New Jersey. These were in Perth Amboy at the American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO) and in Carteret at the U.S. Metals Company. The union was one of the first members of the Committee for Industrial Organizing. This group later became the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).

The union also went back to its strong political traditions. Members of the Communist Party USA became union presidents in the late 1940s. This caused more disagreements over leadership and spending. As the post-war Red Scare grew, other unions tried to take Mine Mill's members. The United Steelworkers of America and the United Auto Workers especially tried to do this in the South. The CIO encouraged mostly white miners' groups to leave Mine Mill. The CIO officially removed Mine Mill in 1950 because it refused to remove its Communist leaders.

The union continued for another seventeen years. It found itself increasingly outmatched in its fights with employers. It defeated all of the Steelworkers' attempts to replace it in its western strongholds in the 1950s. But it had a harder time keeping its groups in the South. Also, more conservative members were uneasy with the union's foreign policy. They were also uneasy with the growing number of African-American and Mexican-American union members. These members tried to take their local groups out of the union. This created problems that weakened the union's strikes against the Anaconda Copper Mining Company in 1954 and 1959. The union finally joined with the Steelworkers in 1967. This happened after losing local groups in Butte and Canada. Only Local 598 in Sudbury, Ontario, voted against the merger. This local had a difficult and sometimes violent history with the city's Steelworkers locals. It remained independent until 1993, when it joined with the Canadian Auto Workers.

Salt of the Earth Film

The 1954 movie Salt of the Earth was directed by Herbert J. Biberman. He was one of the Hollywood Ten, who were blacklisted in Hollywood. The movie shows a year-and-a-half long strike by New Mexico zinc miners who were part of Mine Mill. Many of the actors were regular members of that union. However, the producers found it hard to find Anglo actors to play strikebreakers or deputy sheriffs. Those who disliked the union wanted nothing to do with it. Those who supported the union did not want to be seen switching sides, even as actors.

The movie's star, Rosaura Revueltas, was deported while the film was being made. This meant the producers had to use a double in some scenes. They also had to film other scenes and record her voice in Mexico. The home of one of the union members/actors and the union hall were burned down shortly after filming ended. Clinton Jencks, the Mine Mill organizer shown in the film, was later found guilty. He was accused of falsely saying he was not a communist on a required form for union representatives. His conviction was overturned by the Supreme Court in Jencks v. United States, 353 U.S. 657 (1957).

The filmmakers could not find a company in Hollywood willing to process the film. Skilled editors were only willing to work on it secretly or at night. The film was shown in only a few theaters. Most theaters refused it, even some that had first agreed. Union projectionists refused to show it in some theaters that had accepted it.

The story of making the film, pictures, and information about the original strike, along with the full film, is available on DVD from www.Organa.com. The Special Edition also includes the film Hollywood Ten.

Union Presidents

• 1893: John Gilligan
• 1894: W. J. Weeks
• 1894/5: Patrick Clifford
• 1895: S. M. Ronerts
• 1895/6: James Leonard
• 1896: Edward Boyce
• 1902: Charles Moyer
• 1926: (Not listed)
• 1933: Thomas H. Brown
• 1936: Reid Robinson
• 1947: Maurice Travis (acting)
• 1947: John R. Clark
• 1963: Al Skinner

Images for kids

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  A famous flyer from the Western Federation of Miners, asking "Is Colorado in America?"