Revolutionary integrationism facts for kids

Revolutionary Integrationism is a way of thinking about how to solve the problem of unfair treatment and lack of freedom for Black people in the United States. It's a plan for how Black people can gain their full rights and equality.

The Start of Revolutionary Integrationism

Revolutionary Integrationism began with important figures like Frederick Douglass. He fought against slavery before the American Civil War. Later, in the early 1900s, the "New Negro" movement helped shape these ideas. Writers like Walter Francis White, Carrie Williams Clifford, and Claude McKay were part of this.

In the 1930s to 1960s, the idea of Revolutionary Integrationism grew. People like Max Shachtman, Oliver Cox, and James Baldwin helped develop it. These thinkers believed that the fight for equality was the most important part of Black history. They argued that true equality could only happen through a big social change, led by all working people.

They disagreed with some other socialist thinkers. For example, Leon Trotsky and C. L. R. James thought that Black nationalism (the idea of Black people having their own separate nation) could be a step towards a socialist society. Revolutionary Integrationists believed this was not the right path. They also disagreed with Joseph Stalin and his followers, who supported the idea of a Black nation within the U.S.

Revolutionary Integrationists argue that Black people in America are not a separate "nation." They believe Black people do not need separate groups from white people. Instead, they think everyone should work together in one large movement.

They strongly believe that equality, not a separate nation, is the goal. This equality can be achieved when Black and white workers unite. They also think that leaders from both races can guide this effort. In the 1960s, this idea was different from the views of Malcolm X and the Black Panther Party. These groups often supported Black Nationalist ideas.

Why a "Black Nation" Is Not the Goal

A main part of Revolutionary Integrationism is saying that African Americans cannot form a separate nation in the United States.

• Some people thought a "black belt" region in the South could be the basis for a Black nation. But Revolutionary Integrationists saw this as a made-up idea.
• They argued that Black people in the U.S. do not have their own language or a completely separate culture. For a group to be a nation, it usually needs these things.
• Black nationalists often say that "white America" is an oppressor nation. However, Revolutionary Integrationists point out that the supposed Black "nation" does not have its own land or economy. It is not being controlled by a foreign power.
• They believe that Black nationalism is not the main story of Black history in the U.S. Instead, they see it as an idea pushed by some middle-class Black people. These individuals might want to gain political or economic power for themselves. They might try to get votes or use other Black people as cheap labor.
• Black nationalism often becomes popular when Black working-class and poor people feel hopeless. For example, Martin Delany wrote a Black nationalist novel when he felt there was no hope in the U.S. before the Civil War. In the 1960s, Black nationalism grew when workers' unions became less powerful. Earlier, in the 1930s, when unions were strong and brought Black and white workers together, Black nationalism was less popular.

How Capitalism and Racism Are Connected

Revolutionary Integrationists believe that:

• Racism against Black people is not just a natural feeling or a desire to control others. They say these ideas come from a way of thinking called "liberal idealism." Instead, they follow historical materialism. This idea looks at how societies and economies develop.
• Racism started to grow with the rise of capitalism. It was not common in ancient times or during much of the feudal era. As the feudal system weakened, racism became more common. For example, Jewish people were unfairly targeted as capitalism grew. Later, British racism against the Irish helped justify exploiting British workers.
• Against Africans, racism was used to justify capturing and enslaving them in the U.S. It also kept Black people separate from white farmers and workers. Today, rich business owners use racism to divide the working class. They make white workers think they are special, even as their own struggles grow. This stops all workers from uniting. Racism also allows companies to pay workers of color less. It pushes them into a group of people who are often unemployed.
• The history of the Southern U.S. is not just about Southern leaders being racist. After the Civil War, Northern companies controlled the South. For example, U.S. Steel, a Northern company, gave money to politicians like Strom Thurmond. He supported segregation (keeping races separate) in 1948.
• During the Civil Rights era (1950s and 60s), big businesses did not suddenly become strong supporters of integration. Instead, they realized they could prevent bigger social changes in the South. They presented themselves as helpers of the peaceful civil rights movement. When federal troops were sent to Mississippi, it was not just to help. The FBI and federal troops were also trying to stop revolutionary actions by Black people. For example, the FBI shared information about the Freedom Riders with local police. The FBI knew this information would go to groups like the Ku Klux Klan.

Working Together for Real Change

Revolutionary Integrationism argues that Black people cannot truly become equal in a capitalist U.S. society. They believe that real equality can only happen in a socialist society. This idea is different from people who thought Black people could just "fit in" to the existing capitalist system.

Revolutionary Integrationism is also not about Black people losing their culture. Instead, thinkers like Randolph Bourne and James Baldwin believed that American culture itself must change for true equality to happen.

This means Black workers need to understand that fighting for socialism is part of their own fight for freedom. They should be fully involved in leading a future socialist party in the U.S. This process of racial integration must be part of the demands made by socialists. These demands include workers having control over hiring, organizing unions in the South, and creating jobs through public projects. It also includes protecting Black neighborhoods with "block patrols."

More to Learn

Books and Articles from the 1980s-90s

• Sharon Smith, "Race, class, and 'whiteness theory'" (2006). This article talks about race and class.
• Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream (1986).
• Tom Boot, "Revolutionary Integrationism: Yesterday and Today" (1982). This is in the book Revolutionary Integration: A Marxist Analysis of African American Liberation (2004).

Writings from the 1960s

• James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name (1960).
• James Robertson, Shirley Stoute, 1963 SWP document, "For Black Trotskyism".
• Spartacist, "Black and Red" (1967).
• "Revolutionary Integrationism: The Road to Black Freedom" by the Spartacist League (2006).
• "Capitalism and Racism", by the International Bolshevik Tendency.

Writings and Speeches by Richard S. Fraser (Late 1950s-early 1960s)

• Dialectics of Black Liberation (1963), found in 'Revolutionary Integration: A Marxist Analysis of African American Liberation' (2004).

Books from the 1940s-early 50s

• Daniel Guérin, Negroes on the March (1956).
• Oliver C. Cox, Caste, Class and Race (1948).
• Abraham Leon "The Jewish Question: A Marxist Interpretation" (1946).

Early 1930s Works

• Max Shachtman, Race and Revolution (2003). This was first an internal document called "Communism and the Negro Question" (1932–33).
• Bryan D. Palmer, "Race and Revolution". This is a review of Shachtman's book and another book by Barbara Clare Foley.

Other Important Works

• Randolph Bourne, "Transnational America".
• Sidney Finkelstein, Art and Society (1947).
• O'Reilly, Kenneth, Racial Matters": The FBI's Secret File on Black America, 1960 - 1972 (1989).