Michael Somare facts for kids

Quick facts for kids The Right Honourable Chief Sir Michael Somare GCL GCMG CH CF SSI KStJ KSG
Somare in 2014
1st Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
In office 17 January 2011 – 4 April 2011
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Governor General	Michael Ogio
Preceded by	Sam Abal (acting)
Succeeded by	Julius Chan (acting)
In office 5 August 2002 – 13 December 2010
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Governor General	Silas Atopare Bill Skate (acting) Jeffrey Nape (acting) Paulias Matane
Preceded by	Mekere Morauta
Succeeded by	Sam Abal (acting)
In office 2 August 1982 – 21 November 1985
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Governor General	Tore Lokoloko Kingsford Dibela
Preceded by	Julius Chan
Succeeded by	Paias Wingti
In office 16 September 1975 – 11 March 1980
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Governor General	John Guise Tore Lokoloko
Preceded by	Himself (as Chief Minister)
Succeeded by	Julius Chan
Personal details
Born	(1936-04-09)9 April 1936 Rabaul, Territory of New Guinea, Australia
Died	25 February 2021(2021-02-25) (aged 84) Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea
Political party	National Alliance Party
Spouse	Veronica Somare ​ (m. 1965)​

Sir Michael Thomas Somare GCL GCMG CH CF SSI KStJ KSG PC (9 April 1936 – 26 February 2021) was a Papua New Guinean politician. Widely called the "father of the nation" (Tok Pisin: papa blo kantri), he was the first Prime Minister after independence. At the time of his death, Somare was also the longest-serving prime minister, having been in office for 17 years over three separate terms: from 1975 to 1980; from 1982 to 1985; and from 2002 to 2011. His political career spanned from 1968 until his retirement in 2017. Besides serving as PM, he was minister of foreign affairs, leader of the opposition and governor of East Sepik Province.

He served in a variety of positions. His base was not primarily in political parties but in East Sepik Province, the area that elected him. During his political career he was a member of the House of Assembly and after independence in 1975 the National parliament for the East Sepik Provincial – later open – seat. He was the first chief minister at the end of colonial rule. Thereafter he became the first Prime Minister after independence from 1975 to 1980. He returned to the office of Prime Minister from 1982 to 1985, and his longest stint in the position was from 2002 to 2011. He also served as Cabinet Minister: he was minister of foreign affairs from 1988 to 1992; from 1999 to 2001 he was subsequently minister of foreign affairs, minister of mining and Bougainville, minister of foreign affairs and Bougainville affairs. He was leader of the opposition from 1980 to 1982, and thereafter in that position from 1985 to 1988 and finally from 2001 to 2002. When the new position of political governor as head of the provincial administration and representative MP was created in 1995, Somare took up the job. He was governor of East Sepik from 1995 until 1999. After the last election that he contended, he again became Governor of East Sepik (2012–2016). He was a founding member of the Pangu Party which led PNG into independence in 1975. He resigned from the Pangu Party and became an independent in 1988. He rejoined the Pangu Party in 1994 but was sacked as a leader in the following year. He was then asked to join and lead the National Alliance Party. In 2017 he left politics and also the National Alliance Party.

While Somare was in March 2011 hospitalised in Singapore, a majority of parliamentarians declared the post of Prime Minister vacant. Peter O'Neill was the new prime minister. This was contested. On 12 December 2011, the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea ordered that Somare be reinstated as Prime Minister, ruling that O'Neill had not been lawfully appointed. This event triggered the 2011–12 Papua New Guinean constitutional crisis. Following a decisive victory for O'Neill in the 2012 general election, Somare expressed support for him, thereby ending the crisis and forming a coalition government. However, this truce did not last. When Somare announced his departure from politics, he made a blistering attack on O'Neill.

Early life

Somare was the son of Ludwig Somare Sana and Kambe Somare. Ludwig Somare was a policeman, rising to the rank of sergeant. Having taught himself to read and write, he was subsequently active in encouraging formation of small businesses and co-operatives, founding the Angoram Co-operative Society which he chaired from 1961 until 1967. In all, Ludwig Somare Sana had four wives and six children, of whom Somare was the eldest.

Born in Rabaul in a village called Rapikid, where his father was then stationed, Somare grew up in his family village of Karau in the Murik Lakes district of East Sepik Province. Somare's earliest education was in a Japanese-run primary school at Karau during World War II where he learned to read, write and count in Japanese. Meanwhile, Somare's father was in hiding and fear of his life from the Japanese in Rabaul, but he remembers the Japanese with affection. Somare's earliest overseas trips, first as a parliamentarian and then as Prime Minister, were to Japan.

From 1946 Somare attended Boram Primary School, then Dregerhafen Education Centre and Sogeri High School, graduating with a Leaving Certificate issued on behalf of the Australian state of Victoria in 1957. This was a teaching qualification at the time, and he then taught at several primary and secondary schools, returning to Sogeri High School for further training from 1962 to 1963.

Sepik identity

Somare liked to present himself in a lap-lap (a kind of sarong) instead of in trousers. Lap laps are not traditional in the sense of pre-colonial and is therefore a declaration of neo traditionalism. That is also evident in his autobiography that he published at independence. He was stressing his Sepik identity, despite being born in Rabaul on the islands and far from the Sepik, but he portrayed his time as a child in Sepik villages as decisive in forming his personality. His father brought him there to the village of Karau in the Murik Lakes region when Somare's mother separated from him. Somare paid elaborate attention to his initiation and the role of matrilineal descent is also evident there. ”Our mother’s brothers" receive for example the initiates after their ordeal. Yet the people of the Sepik do not enforce descent rules rigorously. Somare claimed also the honorific title of Sana in his father's line. This title asserts descent from the founder of the clan and is a designation as peacemaker. The title of Sana bestowed for example on the bearer the duty of organising a meal for the enemies before a fight. Sepik societies are no longer expected to make war: a historical element is thus given meaning in a new context. In order to obtain the title he was approved for admission to the elders of the clan before he had reached the required minimum age.

Leadership in the Sepik is not based on descent but on a consensus among the elders and reputation is decisive. Anthropological literature argues that Western Polynesian societies are not particularly centralised and although there is a big man attitude to leadership there is a continuous jockeying for position among those who want to be big man. Political ideology in PNG refers to this as the Melanesian way. This background can be seen as a formative influence on Somare's political practice. PNG has not been dominated by one particular leader whose power base was in a centralised institution like a party or the army. Political life in Papua New Guinea is fragmented and decentralised: party formation is weak. Above all, Papua New Guinea has maintained a Westminster style democracy and leaders moved aside when they lost parliamentary majorities. At independence Somare insisted on a ministerial rather than a presidential system. In his valedictory parliamentary speech, he urged young leaders to learn what the Westminster system of government is meant to achieve.

Early political career

Somare stressed his background in the small emerging modern sector of Papua New Guinea rather than his immersion in Sepik culture in two long interviews at the end of his career.

Later on, he was one of the 35 Papua New Guineans who went through a crash course that gave entry to the civil service. He was as a result also one of the few Papua New Guineans with a command of the English language. Therefore, he was qualified as a translator for the Legislative Council. This was a white-dominated institution but it gave him insight into the game of politics. He also became a radio announcer in Wewak, East Sepik. That was a great opportunity to make his name known in the area that elected him throughout his long career consistently as their MP. It also brought the ire of his supervisors because of his critical comments and they transferred him on administrative duties to Port Moresby. There he became part of the small group of educated nationalists that had the nickname of the bully beef club. This group protested already early on against the racist nature of colonial rule. Somare maintained that he was already in 1962 in favour of independence. He was in Port Moresby one of the founding members in 1967 of the Papua and Niugini Union party (Pangu). He stood for election when opportunities opened up for native Papua New Guineans to enter the National Assembly in 1968 and he was one of the eight Pangu candidates who were successful. He embarked in politics practising a judicious mixture of opposition to and co-optation by the Australian government. Pangu opted in 1968 for the opposition rather than having seats in government. From that position they consistently attacked the racist nature of colonial rule as they had also done outside parliament. Somare was leader of the opposition but he was also a member of the Constitutional Planning Committee preparing for independence. He was despite his radical position also a moderate. He argued for example for a period of internal self government. That was granted in 1973. Foreign affairs and defence remained an Australian responsibility until full independence was granted two years later.

Somare was particularly adept at steering a clear way among various conflicting forces. There were for example those who advocated that Papua New Guinea should become the seventh state in the Australian Federation. More important were the centrifugal forces in the country. There was a rival political party with mass following in the highlands, the Compass party. A separatist movement was pleading for separate independence for Papua apart from New Guinea. In Bougainville, there were forces claiming independence. There were conflicts among the Tolai in East New Britain. The People's Progress Party under the leadership of Julius Chan rather than Pangu was important on the islands. Somare succeeded in bringing all these centrifugal forces together at independence. Somare's advocacy of independence was radical as compared to the other parties who were much more in favour of the status quo. It was particularly important to sway the opinion of Julius Chan who was not keen on immediate independence. When that succeeded a coalition government between Pangu and the PPP became possible.

Some forces on the Australian side were also not in favour of independence for PNG, but it was definitely not the case that there was a veritable independence struggle. There was some protest against colonial practices, for example, a civil service strike pleading for equal treatment of PNG personnel with Australian personnel or protest against discriminatory practices. However, there was a fair amount of co-optation on the way to independence, especially after Gough Whitlam became prime minister of Australia. Since there has been access to the Australian archives from this period it was clear that Australia wanted to get rid of PNG already early on. The Australian government was keen to let the complexities of ruling PNG go. The possibility to declare Papua New Guinea an Australian state in the federation and making all inhabitants Australians was always rejected by Australia.

Michael Somare's role in the independence struggle reflects therefore the values he advocated throughout his career, as a builder of consensus and a politician whose main mission was avoiding or reconciling conflicts.

Policymaker

Michael Somare was praised highly when he left politics in 2016. The most significant praise may be from Sean Dorney, a veteran specialist on PNG politics who praised him as a politician who led a highly-fractured political community to independence. Dorney also praised the enduring parliamentary democracy in such a fractured community. It is, however, significant that praise for Somare's policies was lacking. That is understandable because Somare was not conspicuous as a policymaker. His policies must often were derived from the actual course that he took reacting to events. Three areas of policy making illustrate that: agriculture, macroeconomic policies and development planning. PNG got as a parting gift at independence an economic analysis with recommendations. That stressed the need for rural development and Somare accepted that at that time. Yet in the course of years, PNG became an economy driven by resource extraction, and the agricultural sector remained stagnant. Attention to the rural sector was driven by donors rather than by government, such as the World Bank's PNG Productive Partnerships in Agriculture or the PNG Rural Service Delivery Program. The Mining Act 1992 and the Oil and Gas Act 1998 are the most important documents regulating the rapid growth in extracting natural resources but were enacted when Somare was not in power. Nevertheless, the major LNG/PNG project was developed when he was prime minister from 2002 to 2011. There was however no major policy debate around the project. His son, Arthur Somare, was the prime driver of the project rather than prime minister Michael Somare. Michael Somare has however defended his track record with respect to LNG/PNG despite strong criticism of the deal to gain equity in the company. The Forestry Act 1991 is the main document regulating another natural resources sector. It was also enacted when Somare was not in power. The deeds of Somare governments show one predominant trait in policy making: he was a fiscal conservative. Government expenditure was under control when he was prime minister. That was particularly clear from 2002 to 2011. When Somare succeeded Morauta as prime minister in 2002, there was a fear that Somare would undo the privatisation of the preceding government and move away from the politics of austerity. However, he left the reforms of the preceding Morauta government intact, and his fiscal rectitude fitted the IMF philosophy of structural adjustment. The IMF had much praise for the Somare government 2002–2011. Income from natural resources was high and the Somare government used it to reduce the public debt rather than increase public expenditure. There was only one attempt to formulate a comprehensive development policy by a Somare government: the Vision 2050 document. However that became more an inspirational document than a concrete plan of action. The document is critical of PNG's performance since independence but it lays the blame in the first place on its citizenry rather than the government and government policies.

Foreign relations

Michael Somare was a well travelled man when he became prime minister in 1975. He had for example visited East Africa, Sri Lanka. the United States. In accordance with his Sepik inspired philosophy of consensus he declared "friends with everybody and enemies of none" as the principle of his foreign relations.

Nevertheless, there were some countries to which he felt more friendly than others and the first one among those was Japan. He wrote warmly about the Japanese occupation during World War II of his home area East Sepik. For example: Contrary to the general opinion, he praised their treatment of local women. He travelled regularly to Japan and was awarded high Japanese honours. It is significant that he received as governor of East Sepik in 2014 the Japanese prime minister in Wewak who laid a wreath remembering Japanese war dead. These sympathies for Japan did not deter him from opening diplomatic relations with China soon after independence.

Indonesia is the second country that figured large in international relations during the Somare era, but that was not because of buoyant international ties. PNG mainly attempted to remain as passive as possible towards the violent conflict between proponents of West Papua independence and the Indonesian government. The Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua region was never questioned. There was initially a great reluctance to even question the human rights situation in the region. That changed after a big uprising in Jayapura, the capital of Irian Jaya in 1984. This brought many refugees to PNG. PNG protested about the way Indonesia dealt with the uprising in the UN General Assembly. However, repatriation of the refugees had been the major policy aim since independence and it always remained the major policy plank of the PNG government. Initially, Somare resisted even involvement of the UNHCR. Problems at the border including military incursions were meant to be solved by boundary commissions and other diplomatic means. The West Papuan independence movement was keen to be admitted as a member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) which is resisted by Indonesia. PNG has never opposed Indonesia's view. However, in 2013, when Somare was no longer in government, he advocated representation of West Papua on the MSG during the silver jubilee celebrations of the group. However, he remained unequivocally of the opinion that it was an internal problem of Indonesia and questioning Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua was beyond the pale. West Papua should be represented as a Melanesian community and not as an independent sovereign state. He suggested a presence of the West Papuans at the MSG on similar terms as China tolerated Hong Kong and Taiwan at APEC.

Australia is the third focal point of international relations in the Somare era. The nature of these relations were to a large degree dependent upon the Australian politicians involved. Somare and Kevin Rudd had for example warm relations. Somare was however often keen to demonstrate his nationalism in relations with Australia. That sentiment appeared in incidents: First: At the time of Papua New Guinea independence in 1975 Somare demanded proper dignity for Papua New Guinean leaders when he considered that Australia's gift of an official house for Papua New Guinea's prime minister was insufficiently grand for the great statesman he considered himself to be: Australia abashedly acceded to Somare's demands and provided a much more palatial official residence. The intended and despised prime ministerial residence was instead designated the residence of the Australian High Commissioner. Second: In March 2005 Somare was required by security officers at Brisbane Airport to remove his shoes during a routine departure security check. He took strong exception to this, leading to a diplomatic contretemps and a significant cooling of relations between Australia and Papua New Guinea. Somare was travelling on a regular scheduled flight, and he was unknown to security staff. His sandals had stiffening metal strips, which were detected by a walk-through scanner. The Australian government ignored diplomatic protests as the PNG government had not arranged a diplomatic visit, in a state or chartered aircraft. A protest march in Port Moresby saw hundreds march on the Australian High Commission and present a petition to High Commissioner Michael Potts demanding an apology and compensation. However, the Australian Government ignored the matter.

Somare has been regularly blunt in his opinion on the relations with Australia. After returning to power in 2002, he indicated that he would manage the relationship with Australia in a different way from the close and consultative style of his predecessor Mekere Morauta. Somare strongly opposed the Morauta government's acceptance of asylum seekers under the Pacific solution program. At the celebrations of thirty years of independence in 2005, Somare complained that Australia was seeking to take control again and was prepared to totally destroy PNG's reputation.

Personal life

Somare and his wife Veronica, Lady Somare.

Somare married his wife Veronica, Lady Somare (generally referred to as "Lady Veronica Somare") in 1965, having courted her in traditional fashion, and then immediately left to take up his scholarship at Administrative College. They had five children, Bertha (usually called "Betha" in the national press), Sana, Arthur, Michael Jnr and Dulciana. Somare was head of both his own family and that of his wife, Veronica Lady Somare, who initiated him into their title mindamot two days after his initiation as sana.

Somare died from pancreatic cancer in Port Moresby on 25 February 2021, at age 84.

Honours

Somare received several honorary doctorates, the first being from the University of the Philippines in 1976. Somare was appointed a member of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council in 1977 (as in Australia, the honorific "The Right Honourable" can only be granted when one is admitted to the British Privy Council), and was made a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) by the Queen in the Birthday Honours List of 1990. In 2004 he received authorization from cabinet to create an honours system for Papua New Guinea. In 2005, the Princess Royal invested him as one of the first Grand Companions of the Order of Logohu (GCL).

Awards

Commonwealth honours

Foreign honours

See also

In Spanish: Michael Somare para niños