Institutional Revolutionary Party facts for kids
Quick facts for kids
Institutional Revolutionary Party
Partido Revolucionario Institucional
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|---|---|
.svg){kind=logo} |
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| President | Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas |
| Secretary-General | Carolina Viggiano Austria |
| Senate Leader | Manuel Añorve Baños |
| Chamber Leader | Rubén Moreira Valdez |
| Founder | Plutarco Elías Calles |
| Founded | 4 March 1929 (as PNR) 30 March 1938 (as PRM) 18 January 1946 (as PRI) |
| Split from | Laborist Party |
| Headquarters | Av. Insurgentes Norte 59 col. Buenavista 06359 Cuauhtémoc, Mexico City |
| Newspaper | La República |
| Youth wing | Red Jóvenes x México |
| Trade union wing | Confederation of Mexican Workers |
| Membership (2023) | 1,411,889 |
| Ideology |
|
| Political position | Centre to centre-right |
| National affiliation | Compromiso por México (2011–2015) Todos por México (2017–2018) Va por México (2020–2023) Fuerza y Corazón por México (2023–) |
| Continental affiliation | COPPPAL |
| International affiliation | Socialist International |
| Colours | Green White Red Grey Black |
| Chamber of Deputies |
70 / 500
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| Senate |
13 / 128
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| Governorships |
2 / 32
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| State legislatures |
184 / 1,123
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The Institutional Revolutionary Party (in Spanish: Partido Revolucionario Institucional), often called PRI, is a political party in Mexico. It was started in 1929 and was in charge of the country for a very long time, 71 years in a row, from 1929 to 2000.
The party had different names over the years. It began as the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) in 1929. Then it became the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM) in 1938. Finally, it changed to the PRI in 1946.
The PNR was founded by Plutarco Elías Calles, a very important leader in Mexico at that time. The party was created to bring together leaders and fighters from the Mexican Revolution. This was to help solve a big political problem after the president-elect, Álvaro Obregón, was sadly killed in 1928.
The PRI kept strong control over Mexico for most of the 1900s. They used different methods to stay in power, like working closely with groups and sometimes using unfair election practices. For example, some elections, like in 1940, 1952, and 1988, had many problems and were called unfair by people in Mexico and other countries.
During the early years of the PRI's rule, Mexico had a time of strong economic growth, called the Mexican Miracle. This helped many people's lives and made the country more stable. However, problems like unfairness, dishonest actions, and a lack of political freedom grew. This led to more people being against the PRI.
A very sad event happened in 1968, known as the Tlatelolco massacre. The Mexican Army hurt or killed many unarmed student protesters in Mexico City. After this, economic problems started in the 1970s, making life harder for many Mexicans.
Over its long history, the PRI has included many different ideas and beliefs. In the 1980s, the party moved more towards centre-right ideas. This included selling off government-owned companies and supporting a free-market economy. Because of these changes, many members who had more left-wing ideas left the PRI. They then started a new party called the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in 1989.
In 1990, a writer named Mario Vargas Llosa famously called Mexico under the PRI "the perfect dictatorship." He meant that it was a very clever way of controlling the country, even if it looked like a democracy. This phrase became well-known until the PRI lost power in 2000.
Even though the PRI lost the presidency in the 2000 and 2006 elections, they still had control over many state governments. In 2012, their candidate Enrique Peña Nieto became president again. But people were unhappy with dishonest actions during his time in office. This led to the PRI's candidate losing the 2018 presidential election with the lowest number of votes in the party's history.
Contents
Understanding the PRI Party
What is the PRI known for?
People who support the PRI are called Priístas. The party is also known as El tricolor (the Tricolor). This is because it uses the colors of the Mexican flag: green, white, and red.
Some experts describe the PRI as a "state party." This means it was very powerful and closely connected to the identity of Mexico for much of the 20th century.
For over 70 years, the PRI ran Mexico with a system that some called unfair and often involved dishonest practices. People in power within the PRI had a lot of control over the police and courts. Many Mexicans in the 21st century worried that if the PRI returned to power, some of these old problems might come back.
Even though the PRI joined the Socialist International in 2003, it is not always seen as a social democratic party.
Why is it called "Institutional Revolutionary Party"?
The name "Institutional Revolutionary Party" might sound a bit confusing. "Revolution" usually means big, sudden changes, while "institutional" means something stable and organized.
The idea behind the name is that the party aimed to make the changes from the Mexican Revolution stable and lasting. It brought different groups into the party's system to keep things organized and prevent more conflict.
How did the PRI choose its leaders?
The PRI had special ways of choosing its leaders, especially the person who would run for president. One important term was dedazo (meaning "finger-pointing"). This referred to the president choosing the next PRI candidate for president.
Before the year 2000, the president's choice was a big secret. Many possible candidates would try to show their loyalty and skills. Once the president made the choice, it was announced in a process called destape (the unveiling). After this, party members would show their support, known as the cargada.
However, this system could also cause problems. For example, in 1988, when President Miguel de la Madrid chose Carlos Salinas de Gortari, some members like Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas left the PRI. They started a new party and Cárdenas ran against Salinas. The 1988 election was widely believed to have had many problems.
Other terms described how the party worked. Alquimistas (alchemists) were people who were good at changing election results. To win all elections, called carro completo ("full car"), the party sometimes used acarreo ("hauling"). This meant bringing supporters to rallies or voting places, often in exchange for small gifts. They also sometimes moved voting booths, making it harder for people to vote.
The PRI's Beginnings (1920-1938)
Why was the party founded?
Before the PRI was created in 1929, becoming president in Mexico was often very difficult and sometimes led to violence. There were no strong political groups to help with smooth transitions of power.
A big problem happened in 1928 when Álvaro Obregón, a former president and then president-elect, was killed. This showed that Mexico needed a better way to choose its leaders without fighting.
So, in 1929, Plutarco Elías Calles started the National Revolutionary Party (PNR). His goal was to create a stable way for leaders from the Mexican Revolution to share power peacefully. The party was not focused on one specific idea but on keeping control.
Early Elections and Leaders
The PNR brought together many smaller political groups. In the 1929 election, the PNR's candidate was Pascual Ortiz Rubio. He ran against José Vasconcelos, a well-known former Secretary of Education.
The 1929 election was the first big test for the new party. It was known for many problems, including unfair practices. Ortiz Rubio won, but many believed the results were not fair. However, the party did help reduce the violence among former revolutionary generals.
For several years, Calles remained the most powerful leader in Mexico, even after Ortiz Rubio and Abelardo L. Rodríguez became presidents. This period was called Maximato.
Calles then chose Lázaro Cárdenas as the PNR candidate for the 1934 election. Cárdenas, a general from Michoacan, became very popular. He traveled across the country and made many connections. Calles had become more traditional in his views, stopping land reform and being tough on workers' groups.
Cárdenas, however, supported workers' groups and peasants. He also gained support from the Catholic Church, which had problems with Calles's strict rules. Eventually, Cárdenas gained enough power to have Calles arrested and sent out of the country.
The Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM)
Cárdenas became one of Mexico's most loved presidents in the 1900s. He is famous for taking control of foreign oil companies in 1938. In the same year, Cárdenas changed the party's name to the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM). He wanted it to be a party for workers and for social fairness.
Cárdenas wanted the party to be strong and include many different groups. He created four main parts, or "sectors," for the party:
- Workers
- Peasants (farmers)
- "Popular" groups (like teachers and government workers)
- The military
These sectors helped bring most Mexicans into the party. However, private businesses and followers of the Catholic Church were not included. These two groups later formed the National Action Party (PAN) in 1939, which became a major opposing party.
By including the military in the PRM, Cárdenas wanted to make sure the military depended on the party and did not try to take political power on its own. This helped keep civilian leaders in charge.
Cárdenas followed the tradition of choosing his successor. He picked Manuel Ávila Camacho. The 1940 election was also marked by problems, but Ávila Camacho won.
In the last year of Ávila Camacho's time as president, the party decided on a new name. This new name was the Institutional Revolutionary Party, combining "institutional" (meaning stable) and "revolutionary" (meaning change).
The PRI's Long Rule (1946-1988)
Changes in the Party
The party's name changed to the PRI in 1946. The different groups (workers, peasants, popular sector) still had their place in the party, but the military no longer had its own separate group. The Mexican president was at the very top of the political system with the PRI.
To become president, one had to be a member and leader in the PRI and work in government. The party's goals also changed. They moved away from aiming for a "workers' democracy" and instead focused on "Democracy and justice."
After Cárdenas left office, the party became more moderate. The workers' groups, especially under Fidel Velázquez of the CTM, became very closely linked to the PRI. These unions helped the party by getting workers to vote for them. In return, the unions received support and benefits.
The Mexican Miracle Years
From the time Miguel Alemán Valdés was president (1946-1952) until 1970, Mexico had a period of great economic growth. This was called the Mexican Miracle. The country's economy grew a lot, and people's lives generally improved.
This economic growth helped the PRI stay in power. Most Mexicans did not complain much about the lack of true democracy because things were going well. If an opposing candidate, usually from the PAN, seemed to win an election, the PRI often used its control to change the results.
The PRI kept different parts of society under control. For example, they worked closely with workers' unions and farmers. They also supported universities and artists, so many smart people did not challenge the government. This helped the PRI keep a strong hold on power for many years.
However, there were some problems. There were strikes by railway workers and doctors that were stopped by force. Also, books like The Death of Artemio Cruz started to question the ideas of the Mexican Revolution.
Attempts to Change the Party
In the 1960s, Carlos A. Madrazo, who was president of the PRI, tried to make some serious changes. He wanted to make the process of choosing local candidates more democratic. But other party leaders opposed this because it would reduce their power. Madrazo was forced to leave his position.
The PRI only started choosing its presidential candidate through a primary election in 2000. However, their candidate, Francisco Labastida, lost that election.
The 1968 Tlatelolco Event
Even with economic growth, some people were unhappy. In 1965, doctors went on strike for better pay, but President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz used force to stop it. This showed how tough the government could be.
In 1968, Mexico City was preparing to host the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games. Students from different universities started protesting for more democracy and fairness. The government wanted to keep a good image for the Olympics.
On October 2, 1968, a sad event happened in Tlatelolco, a part of Mexico City. The army and special units opened fire on a student protest. Many protesters were hurt or killed. This event, known as the Tlatelolco massacre, changed Mexican history. It made many people, especially educated city dwellers, question the government's authority.
After this, President Díaz Ordaz chose Luis Echeverría as the PRI candidate for the 1970 election. Echeverría had been in charge of internal security during the Tlatelolco event.
Economic Problems in the 1970s
By the early 1970s, Mexico's economy started to face big problems. There was poverty, not enough investment in farming, and too many people moving to cities. Mexico, which used to grow its own food, had to start buying food from other countries.
President Luis Echeverría (1970–76) tried to help by spending more money on social programs. He borrowed a lot of money from other countries. But then oil prices dropped, and interest rates went up. Mexico's money, the peso, lost half its value.
Echeverría chose José López Portillo as his successor. López Portillo's term started with economic difficulties.
The 1976 Election and Oil Boom
In the 1976 election, the PRI candidate José López Portillo ran without any strong opponents. This made the system look less democratic. He later made changes to allow more opposition parties to be officially recognized.
Then, a lot of oil was discovered in Mexico. This helped the economy recover, and López Portillo promised to "manage the abundance." Mexico borrowed even more money to develop its oil industry and became one of the world's largest oil producers.
Social programs were also created to help people. Mexico's international presence grew, and it started new relationships with other countries.
However, this good time ended in 1982 when oil prices fell sharply. Mexico's economy was badly hurt. The peso lost a lot of its value, and prices went up very quickly. López Portillo's reputation suffered greatly.
New Economic Ideas in the 1980s
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When Miguel de la Madrid became president in December 1982, the economy was in a very bad state. He was an economist and changed the country's policies. He sold off many government-owned companies and moved towards more free-market ideas.
An earthquake in September 1985 also caused many problems, and his government was criticized for its slow response. Prices continued to rise very quickly, reaching a record high in 1987.
The PRI's Decline (1988-2000)
Splits and Challenges to the PRI
In 1986, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, the son of former president Lázaro Cárdenas, formed a group within the PRI that criticized the government. They were later removed from the party and formed a new group called the National Democratic Front (FDN) in 1987.
Cárdenas ran for president in the 1988 Mexican general election. The official results said Carlos Salinas de Gortari of the PRI won, but there were many claims that the election was unfair. The results were delayed, and Cárdenas said the computer system had been manipulated.
In 2004, Miguel de la Madrid, who was president at the time of the 1988 election, admitted that the election results were changed to make sure the PRI won.
In 1989, the PRI lost its first state government election when Ernesto Ruffo Appel became governor of Baja California.
Political Problems and Loss of Power
In 1990, the writer Mario Vargas Llosa famously called the PRI government "the perfect dictatorship." A big shock came in 1994 when the PRI's presidential candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio, was killed. This was the first high-level killing since 1928. President Carlos Salinas de Gortari then chose Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon as the new PRI candidate, who won the election. The 1994 elections were the first time international observers watched the process.
Several things, including an economic crisis in 1994, caused the PRI to lose its absolute majority in the national congress for the first time in 1997.
After many decades in power, the PRI had become known for dishonest actions and unfair elections. The National Action Party (PAN) grew stronger, especially after 1976. Also, the PRI's left-wing members left to form the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in 1989.
Critics said that unfair election practices were used when the party's usual ways of controlling things did not work. However, now all major parties sometimes make similar claims against each other.
The PRI in Opposition (2000-2012)
Losing the Presidency
Before the 2000 elections, the PRI held its first primary election to choose its presidential candidate. The main candidates were Francisco Labastida Ochoa and Roberto Madrazo Pintado. Madrazo ran a campaign against Labastida, using the slogan "Give a Madrazo to the dedazo" (meaning "strike against the finger-pointing").
In the presidential elections on July 2, 2000, the PRI's candidate, Francisco Labastida Ochoa, was defeated by Vicente Fox of the PAN. This was the first time the PRI lost a presidential election.
Many important members of other parties, like the PAN and PRD, used to be members of the PRI. This includes many presidential candidates from opposing parties.
As an Opposing Party
After losing the presidency, the PRI worked to rebuild itself. In 2003, they won the most seats in Congress, becoming the largest single party in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. They also regained control of some state governments.
In 2006, Roberto Madrazo, the president of the PRI, left his position to run for president. There was a lot of rivalry within the party. Madrazo ran as part of the Alliance for Mexico coalition with the Ecologist Green Party of Mexico (PVEM).
During his campaign, Madrazo said the PRI and PRD were "first cousins." However, Felipe Calderón of the PAN ran a very strong campaign and eventually passed Madrazo in the polls. Madrazo ended up in third place. Calderón won the election. The PRI candidate did not win a single state in the 2006 presidential election.
In 2009, the PRI regained control of the Mexican congress. This was the first time they had control since the PAN's victory in 2000. The PRI benefited from people being unhappy with President Felipe Calderón's efforts against crime and problems within the PRD.
The PRI Returns to Power (2012-2018)
The PRI is Back
Under Enrique Peña Nieto, the PRI returned to the presidency in 2012. Some people hoped this would bring positive changes, while others worried about the return of old PRI methods.
Many people were disappointed with the PAN's time in power. Mexico's economy had grown slowly, and poverty had increased. The PAN presidents could not pass big changes because they did not have a majority in Congress. Also, President Felipe Calderón's focus on fighting crime led to many deaths, and people grew tired of the conflict.
The Economist magazine suggested that Peña Nieto won because he was seen as the "least bad choice" for reform. Many voters outside Mexico were surprised and worried about the PRI's return. Some U.S. officials also worried that Peña Nieto's security plans might bring back old, dishonest practices. Peña Nieto denied that his party would allow dishonest actions. However, a poll in 2016 showed that most Mexicans still saw the PRI as the most dishonest political party.
Problems During the PRI's Return
The PRI's return to power brought some negative results:
- Low Approval and Dishonest Actions: President Enrique Peña Nieto faced many problems and claims of dishonest actions. His approval ratings were the lowest for a president in modern Mexican history.
- Former Governors Accused: During Peña Nieto's time, several former PRI governors were accused of dishonest actions. These included governors from Tamaulipas, Veracruz, Chihuahua, and Quintana Roo. All of them had supported Peña Nieto during his campaign.
- Election Claims in State of Mexico (2017): The 2017 elections in the state of Mexico were very controversial. Many news outlets said there was unfairness by the PRI to help their candidate for governor, Alfredo del Mazo Maza, who is a cousin of Enrique Peña Nieto. Despite the claims, Alfredo del Mazo was declared the winner.
Members of the PRI in the Chamber of Deputies also faced problems:
- "Law 3 of 3" Controversy: In 2016, PRI senators voted against a law called "Ley 3 de 3." This law would have made politicians publicly share their wealth, interests, and tax information. A simpler version of the law was passed, but it did not force politicians to share all three items. Some news sources thought this vote meant the party was trying to protect itself from possible findings of dishonest actions.
- Internal Security Law: In 2017, it was reported that the PRI and its allies wanted to approve a "Law of Internal Security." The Mexican National Human Rights Commission said this law would go against human rights. They worried it would give the army too much power to act against groups of people, including social activists, without needing a clear reason.
The PRI in Opposition Again (2018-Present)
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On November 27, 2017, José Antonio Meade announced he would run for president in 2018, representing the PRI. It was reported that President Peña Nieto had personally chosen him, using the traditional El Dedazo method.
There were worries about possible unfairness in the 2018 presidential election. This was because of claims of unfairness in the election of Peña Nieto's cousin, Alfredo del Mazo Maza, as governor of the state of Mexico. Some news sources warned about the possibility of the PRI using unfair election practices.
In April 2018, there were claims of connections between the PRI and a company called Cambridge Analytica, which had been involved in problems with elections in other countries. The PRI denied working with Cambridge Analytica. However, The New York Times reported that the PRI had rejected a plan from Cambridge Analytica but paid the company not to help other candidates.
In the 2018 general election, the PRI had a huge defeat. They won the lowest number of seats in Congress in the party's history. Presidential candidate José Antonio Meade finished in third place with only 16.4% of the votes. The PRI also lost all nine state governor elections.
Since 2021, as the party's election results have gotten worse, the PRI has tried to present itself as a social democratic party.
Election Results Overview
Presidential Elections (1929–2024)
| Election | Candidate | Votes | % | Outcome | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1929 | Pascual Ortiz Rubio | 1,947,848 | 93.6 |  Elected |
As PNR, first election after the party was formed. The opposing candidate said the elections were unfair. |
| 1934 | Lázaro Cárdenas | 2,225,000 | 98.2 | Elected |
As PNR. First president to serve a six-year term. |
| 1940 | Manuel Ávila Camacho | 2,476,641 | 93.9 | Elected |
As PRM. The opposing candidate said there was a lot of unfairness in the election. |
| 1946 | Miguel Alemán Valdés | 1,786,901 | 77.9 | Elected |
First president who was not a general since the Mexican Revolution. |
| 1952 | Adolfo Ruiz Cortines | 2,713,419 | 74.3 | Elected |
The opposing candidate said there was a lot of unfairness in the election. |
| 1958 | Adolfo López Mateos | 6,767,754 | 90.4 | Elected |
First Mexican presidential election where women could vote. |
| 1964 | Gustavo Díaz Ordaz | 8,368,446 | 88.8 | Elected |
|
| 1970 | Luis Echeverría | 11,970,893 | 86.0 | Elected |
|
| 1976 | José López Portillo | 16,727,993 | 100.0 | Elected |
Elected without any opponents. |
| 1982 | Miguel de la Madrid | 16,748,006 | 74.3 | Elected |
Last election where the PRI had no serious opponents. |
| 1988 | Carlos Salinas de Gortari | 9,687,926 | 50.7 | Elected |
All opposing parties said the election was unfair. First time the PRI candidate received under 70% of the vote. |
| 1994 | Ernesto Zedillo | 17,181,651 | 48.6 | Elected |
Chosen after the killing of Luis Donaldo Colosio. |
| 2000 | Francisco Labastida | 13,579,718 | 36.1 |  Defeated |
First PRI presidential candidate chosen by a primary election. First time losing a presidential election. |
| 2006 | Roberto Madrazo | 9,301,441 | 22.2 | Defeated |
Part of the Alianza por México group. |
| 2012 | Enrique Peña Nieto | 19,226,284 | 38.2 | Elected |
Part of the Compromiso por México group. |
| 2018 | José Antonio Meade | 9,289,378 | 16.4 | Defeated |
Part of the Todos por México group. |
| 2024 | Xóchitl Gálvez | 5,736,655 | 9.77 | Defeated |
Votes are only for the PRI part of the Fuerza y Corazón por México group. First time PRI worked with PAN. First woman candidate. |
Congressional Elections
Chamber of Deputies
| Election | Constituency | PR | No. of seats | Position | Presidency | Note | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | ||||||
| 1934 |
173 / 173
|
Supermajority | Lázaro Cárdenas |  |
|||||
| 1940 |
172 / 173
|
Supermajority | Manuel Ávila Camacho | |
|||||
| 1943 | 376,000 | 92.1 |
147 / 147
|
Supermajority | |||||
| 1946 | 1,687,284 | 73.5 |
141 / 147
|
Supermajority | Miguel Alemán Valdés | |
|||
| 1949 | 2,031,783 | 93.9 |
142 / 149
|
Supermajority | |||||
| 1952 | 2,713,419 | 74.3 |
151 / 161
|
Supermajority | Adolfo Ruiz Cortines | |
|||
| 1955 | 5,562,761 | 89.9 |
153 / 162
|
Supermajority | |||||
| 1958 | 6,467,493 | 88.2 |
153 / 162
|
Supermajority | Adolfo López Mateos | |
|||
| 1961 | 6,178,434 | 90.3 |
172 / 178
|
Supermajority | |||||
| 1964 | 7,807,912 | 86.3 |
175 / 210
|
Supermajority | Gustavo Díaz Ordaz | |
|||
| 1967 | 8,342,114 | 83.9 |
177 / 210
|
Supermajority | |||||
| 1970 | 11,125,770 | 83.3 |
178 / 210
|
Supermajority | Luis Echeverría Álvarez | |
|||
| 1973 | 77.3 |
189 / 232
|
Supermajority | ||||||
| 1976 | 12,868,104 | 85.0 |
195 / 237
|
Supermajority | José López Portillo | |
|||
| 1979 | 9,418,178 | 72.8 |
296 / 400
|
Supermajority | |||||
| 1982 | 14,501,988 | 69.4 | 14,289,793 | 65.7 |
299 / 400
|
Supermajority | Miguel de la Madrid | |
|
| 1985 | 11,575,063 | 68.1 | 10,981,938 | 63.3 |
289 / 400
|
Supermajority | |||
| 1988 | 9,276,934 | 51.0 | 9,276,934 | 51.0 |
260 / 500
|
Majority | Carlos Salinas de Gortari | |
First time losing supermajority |
| 1991 | 14,051,349 | 61.4 | 14,145,234 | 61.4 |
320 / 500
|
Majority | |||
| 1994 | 16,851,082 | 50.2 | 17,236,836 | 50.3 |
300 / 500
|
Majority | Ernesto Zedillo | |
|
| 1997 | 11,305,957 | 39.1 | 11,438,719 | 39.1 |
239 / 500
|
Minority | First time losing majority | ||
| 2000 | 13,720,453 | 36.9 | 13,800,306 | 36.9 |
207 / 500
|
Opposition | Vicente Fox | .svg){kind=small} |
|
| 2003 | 6,166,358 | 23.9 | 6,196,171 | 24.0 |
224 / 500
|
Opposition | |||
| 2006 | 11,629,727 | 28.0 | 11,689,110 | 27.9 |
104 / 500
|
Opposition | Felipe Calderón | |
Coalition: Alliance for Mexico |
| 2009 | 12,765,938 | 36.9 | 12,809,365 | 36.9 |
237 / 500
|
Opposition | |||
| 2012 | 15,166,531 | 31.0 | 15,513,478 | 31.8 |
212 / 500
|
Minority | Enrique Peña Nieto | |
Coalition: Commitment to Mexico |
| 2015 | 11,604,665 | 34.2 | 11,638,556 | 29.2 |
203 / 500
|
Minority | |||
| 2018 | 4,351,824 | 7.78 | 9,310,523 | 16.54 |
45 / 500
|
Opposition | Andrés Manuel López Obrador | .svg){kind=small} |
Coalition: Todos por México |
| 2021 | 2,715,123 | 5.56 | 8,715,899 | 17.73 |
69 / 500
|
Opposition | Coalition: Va por México | ||
Senate Elections
| Election | Constituency | PR | No. of seats | Position | Presidency | Note | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | ||||||
| 1964 | 7,837,364 | 87.8 |
64 / 64
|
Supermajority | Gustavo Díaz Ordaz | |
|||
| 1970 | 11,154,003 | 84.4 |
64 / 64
|
Supermajority | Luis Echeverría Álvarez | |
|||
| 1976 | 13,406,825 | 87.5 |
64 / 64
|
Supermajority | José López Portillo | |
|||
| 1982 |
63 / 64
|
Supermajority | Miguel de la Madrid | |
|||||
| 1988 | 9,263,810 | 50.8 |
60 / 64
|
Supermajority | Carlos Salinas de Gortari | |
|||
| 1994 | 17,195,536 | 50.2 |
95 / 128
|
Supermajority | Ernesto Zedillo | |
|||
| 1997 | 11,266,155 | 38.5 |
77 / 128
|
Majority | First time losing supermajority | ||||
| 2000 | 13,699,799 | 36.7 | 13,755,787 | 36.7 |
60 / 128
|
Opposition | Vicente Fox | |
First time losing majority |
| 2006 | 11,622,012 | 28.1 | 11,681,395 | 28.0 |
39 / 128
|
Opposition | Felipe Calderón | |
Coalition: Alliance for Mexico |
| 2012 | 18,477,441 | 37.0 | 18,560,755 | 36.9 |
52 / 128
|
Minority | Enrique Peña Nieto | |
Coalition: Commitment to Mexico |
| 2018 | 3,855,984 | 6.86 | 9,013,658 | 15.90 |
13 / 128
|
Opposition | Andrés Manuel López Obrador | |
Coalition: Todos por México |
See also
- History of democracy in Mexico
