History of Algeria (1962–1999) facts for kids

The History of Algeria from 1962 to 1999 covers the time after Algeria gained its freedom from France. This period includes the exciting first years of independence in the 1960s, a difficult civil war, and the presidential election in 1999. It was a time of big changes and challenges for the new nation.

Algeria Becomes Independent

After a long war, Algeria was ready to become independent in 1962. Before this, a group called the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) met in Tripoli. They planned how the National Liberation Front (FLN), which had led the fight for freedom, would become the new government.

Their plan, called the Tripoli Program, aimed to:

• Share land fairly.
• Take control of important industries and services for the country.
• Stay neutral in world politics, not picking sides with big powers.

Even with this plan, there were many disagreements within the FLN as the war ended. Different groups and leaders wanted power, almost causing another civil war.

The army leaders (ALN) and the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) fought for control. A powerful army chief, Houari Boumédiènne, teamed up with Ahmed Ben Bella. Together, they formed a new group called the Political Bureau, which challenged the existing government. Boumédiènne's forces marched into Algiers, and Ben Bella quickly took charge. He removed his political rivals from the list of candidates for the first elections.

On September 25, 1962, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria was officially created. Ferhat Abbas became the president of the new assembly, and Ben Bella was named prime minister. Ben Bella formed his government, including Boumédiènne as defense minister. At first, Ben Bella, Boumédiènne, and Mohamed Khider worked together, representing the army, the party, and the government. But Ben Bella wanted more power, which caused problems later on.

Challenges After the War

The war for independence left Algeria in a difficult state. Many buildings and roads were destroyed. Most of the European settlers, called colons or Pieds-Noirs, left the country. These settlers had been doctors, teachers, engineers, and managers. Their departure meant Algeria lost many skilled workers.

Hundreds of thousands of people were left homeless, and many were sick. About 70% of the workforce had no jobs. Public services like water and electricity were a mess because the departing settlers took or destroyed important records. In 1962, most Algerians (86%) could not read or write. There were very few university graduates. These few educated Algerians had a huge task: to rebuild their country. They had to find solutions for healthcare, transportation, and teaching everyone to read.

Algeria received help from countries like France, the Soviet Union, Cuba, and others. Instead of joining one of the world's major power blocs, Algeria chose to be non-aligned. This meant they focused on developing their country themselves, investing in healthcare, education, farming, and oil. University students played a big part in this rebuilding, though their efforts are sometimes forgotten.

Another major challenge was helping millions of Algerians who had been forced to leave their homes. Many had fled to neighboring Tunisia and Morocco during the war. The French army had also created "forbidden zones," forcing more people into refugee camps.

The FLN worked with international groups like the UNHCR to help these refugees. This helped Algeria show it was a real, independent state on the world stage. After the war, bringing these refugees back home was a huge task for Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, and the UNHCR. This process also helped define who was an Algerian citizen, as some nomadic groups used to move freely across borders that were now strictly defined.

After independence, Algerians quickly took over the lands, houses, businesses, and jobs left by the departing Pieds-Noirs. In 1963, Ben Bella officially declared these properties "vacant," allowing the state to take them over. This was a form of nationalization, where the government took control of private property.

The FLN called its economic policy "Algerian socialism." This meant the government played a huge role in the economy. State-owned companies were set up to manage almost every part of the country's economic life.

Workers also started taking control of factories and farms that had been left empty. This was called autogestion (self-management). Ben Bella supported this idea. However, this system often failed, especially in farming, due to poor management and corruption.

Ben Bella's Rule and Challenges

Even though Ben Bella had a lot of support in the National Assembly, some groups opposed him. These included supporters of Messali Hadj, communists, and a left-wing party led by Mohamed Boudiaf. Ben Bella eventually banned these groups and arrested Boudiaf. He also brought the main trade union under the FLN's control.

Ben Bella saw the FLN as a special group that would lead the country and gather support for his policies. He wanted more personal power. In 1963, he removed Khider from his position in the party. Khider later fled to Switzerland with party money. In August 1963, Abbas resigned as assembly president, saying Ben Bella was taking too much power. Abbas was then put under house arrest.

A new constitution was approved in September 1963, making Ben Bella president for five years. Under this new system, Ben Bella was the head of state, head of government, and supreme commander of the army. He could form his government without needing approval from the legislature. This meant there were no real checks on his power.

Hocine Ait Ahmed left the National Assembly because he felt the government was becoming too dictatorial. He also criticized the government for not rebuilding war-torn areas like Kabylie. Ait Ahmed formed a secret resistance group, the Socialist Forces Front (FFS), based in Kabylie, aiming to overthrow Ben Bella. There were small clashes in 1963, and more serious fighting broke out in 1964 in Kabylie and the Sahara. The army quickly crushed these rebellions. Ait Ahmed was captured and sentenced to death, but his sentence was changed to life in prison. He later escaped and fled to Europe.

As defense minister, Boumédiènne supported using the army to stop these regional uprisings, seeing them as a threat to the country. However, tensions grew between Boumédiènne and Ben Bella when Ben Bella tried to gain support from some of the same regional groups the army had fought. In April 1965, Ben Bella tried to take more control over local police. This led to the resignation of Ahmed Medeghri, a close friend of Boumédiènne. Ben Bella then tried to remove Abdelaziz Bouteflika, another close ally of Boumédiènne, from his foreign affairs post. It seemed Ben Bella was planning to remove Boumédiènne himself.

But on June 19, 1965, Boumédiènne acted first. He led a military coup d'état that was quick and peaceful. Ben Bella was arrested and held without contact with anyone.

Boumédiènne's Leadership

Boumédiènne called his military takeover a "historic correction" for Algeria. He dissolved the National Assembly, suspended the constitution, and got rid of the Political Bureau, which he saw as Ben Bella's tool for personal rule.

A new body, the Council of the Revolution, took political power. It was mostly made up of military leaders and aimed to encourage cooperation within the army and the party. This council oversaw the new government, which was run by a cabinet of mostly civilian ministers appointed by Boumédiènne. The cabinet included a mix of people, from Islamic leaders to technical experts.

Boumédiènne was a strong nationalist and deeply influenced by Islamic values. He took control to protect the army's interests, which he felt Ben Bella was threatening. At first, Boumédiènne's power was not fully secure because he didn't have a strong base of support outside the military. This might be why he initially allowed for more shared rule. However, some FLN members criticized him for not being socialist enough, and some military officers worried about him moving away from shared leadership. There were attempts to overthrow him and even an assassination attempt in 1967–68. After these, Boumédiènne's opponents were exiled or imprisoned, and his power became stronger.

Farming still struggled to produce enough food for the country. In 1971, Boumédiènne launched an "agricultural revolution." This involved taking over more land and giving it to cooperative farms.

A big event in the region was Boumédiènne's support for an independent Western Sahara in 1975. He allowed Sahrawi refugees and the Polisario Front (a guerrilla group) to build refugee camps in western Algeria. This happened after Morocco and Mauritania took over Western Sahara. This conflict greatly affected relations between Morocco and Algeria, which were already bad after the 1963 Sand war. Algeria supported Polisario because of its strong anti-colonial feelings and to counter Morocco's ambitions. With Algeria's help, Polisario announced the creation of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in 1976. This government-in-exile took control of the refugee camps and became a key part of Algeria's foreign policy.

In April 1976, eleven years after taking power, Boumédiènne created a document called the National Charter. This document outlined the principles for a new constitution. After much public discussion, the constitution was put into law in November 1976. Boumédiènne was then elected president with 95% of the votes.

Boumédiènne died on December 27, 1978. His death led to a power struggle within the FLN to choose a new leader. As a compromise, Colonel Chadli Bendjedid, who was not closely tied to any specific group, was chosen. He became president on February 9, 1979.

Chadli Bendjedid's Time in Power

Bendjedid had helped Boumédiènne remove Ben Bella. He was seen as a moderate leader and had strong support from the military. In 1980, he called a special FLN Party Congress to discuss a new five-year development plan. This plan aimed to make the economy more open and break up the large state-owned companies.

Bendjedid's time was also marked by the Berber Spring protests. These protests were led by Kabyle university students who were against government policies that promoted Arabic language and culture, especially in education. Bendjedid promised to continue promoting Arabic but also allowed more Berber studies at universities and Berber-language programs in the media. However, these changes led to protests from Islamist groups.

Islamist groups gained more influence partly because the government struggled to improve the economy. In the late 1970s, Muslim activists started small protests, like bothering women they felt were dressed inappropriately or smashing places that sold alcohol. In 1982, Islamists called for the government to change and create an Islamic government. Violence increased on university campuses, and one student was killed. After police arrested 400 Islamists, about 100,000 people protested at the university mosque. More arrests followed, including important Islamist leaders. The authorities then saw Islamists as a serious threat.

In 1984, the government opened a large Islamic university in Constantine. In the same year, giving in to Islamist demands, the government passed the Algerian Family Code. This law made family rules follow Islamic law, treating women as dependent on their families before marriage and on their husbands after marriage.

The 1980s oil glut (when oil prices dropped) made Algeria's economic problems worse after the mid-1980s. This led to more unemployment, a lack of goods in stores, and shortages of basic foods like cooking oil and coffee. Women waited in long lines for expensive food, and young men were frustrated because they couldn't find work. The situation became much worse when world oil prices dropped sharply in 1986. Bendjedid believed that changing Algeria's socialist system was the only way to fix the economy. In 1987, he announced reforms to give control and profits back to private businesses, starting with farming and then moving to large state companies and banks.

Despite these reforms, social unrest increased in Algiers and other cities from 1985 to 1988 as the economy continued to struggle. People were angry and felt that the government was corrupt and out of touch. The anger reached a peak in October 1988 with the 1988 October Riots. Strikes and protests by students and workers in Algiers turned into riots. Thousands of young men destroyed government property. The violence spread to other cities. The government declared a state of emergency and used force to stop the unrest. By October 10, order was mostly restored, but unofficial reports said more than 500 people were killed and over 3,500 arrested.

The harsh way the government put down the "Black October" riots caused a wave of outrage. Islamist groups took control of some areas. New, independent groups of lawyers, students, and journalists formed, demanding justice and change. In response, Bendjedid removed some senior officials and planned political reforms. In December, he was reelected, though with fewer votes. A new constitution, approved in February 1989, removed the word "socialist" from the country's official description. It guaranteed freedoms of speech, assembly, and association. It also removed the guarantees of women's rights that were in the 1976 constitution. The FLN was not mentioned in the document, and the army was only discussed in terms of national defense, showing a reduction in its political power.

Politics became very active in 1989 under the new laws. Newspapers became very lively and free. Many political parties competed for members. In February 1989, Abbassi Madani and Ali Belhadj founded the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS). Even though the constitution banned religious parties, the FIS became very important in Algerian politics. It easily defeated the FLN in local elections in June 1990, partly because most secular parties boycotted the elections. The FLN then passed a new election law that openly helped the FLN. In response, the FIS called a general strike and organized protests. Bendjedid declared martial law on June 5, 1991. He also asked his foreign affairs minister, Sid Ahmed Ghozali, to form a new government. Although the FIS seemed happy with Ghozali's appointment, they continued to protest, leading the army to arrest Belhadj, Madani, and hundreds of others. The state of emergency ended in September.

Algeria's leaders were shocked in December 1991 when FIS candidates won a clear majority in the elections. They won 188 out of 430 districts, far ahead of the FLN's fifteen seats. Some members of Bendjedid's government feared a complete FIS takeover. They forced the president to dissolve parliament and resign on January 11, 1992. The leaders of this takeover included Ghozali and generals Khaled Nezzar and Larbi Belkheir. They declared the elections void and formed the High Council of State to rule the country. Both the FIS and the FLN demanded a return to the election process, but police and troops responded with many arrests. In February 1992, violent protests broke out in many cities. On February 9, the government declared a one-year state of emergency, and the next month, they banned the FIS.

Algeria in the 1990s

The 1990s in Algeria were a time of violence and terrorism, known as the Algerian Civil War. In 1994, Liamine Zéroual was appointed Head of State for three years. During this time, a group called the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) launched attacks against government officials and buildings. They were protesting the banning of Islamist parties. When the GIA started attacking civilians who were not involved in politics, a part of the group broke away. This new group was called the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC). It continued fighting even after the GIA became less active. Some government officials believe that more than 100,000 Algerians died during this period.

Zeroual called for presidential elections in 1995, even though some parties objected because the FIS was excluded. Zeroual was elected president with 75% of the votes. In 1997, a new party called the Rassemblement National Democratique (RND) was formed by FLN members who disagreed with the FLN's idea of negotiating with the FIS. Zeroual then announced that presidential elections would be held early in 1999, almost two years ahead of schedule.

Algerians voted in April 1999. Seven candidates were approved to run. But on the day before the election, all candidates except Abdelaziz Bouteflika pulled out. They claimed there was widespread election fraud. Bouteflika, who seemed to have the support of the military and the FLN and RND parties, won with an official vote count of 70%. He became president on April 27, 1999, for a five-year term.

Why This History Is Hard to Find

It's quite hard to find detailed historical writings about Algeria from the 1960s and 1970s. Most history books about Algeria focus on its fight for independence up to 1962, or on the civil war in the 1990s. There isn't as much information about the years right after independence, even though many important things happened then.

Several reasons make this period difficult to research:

• Government Control: The FLN government controlled the official story of Algeria's history. This story was put into official documents like the constitutions. It also left out opposing political groups. This control made it hard for historians to ask certain questions or find different information.
• Missing Documents: After 1962, it became very difficult to access government records. The national archives were no longer created by the French colonial government but by the new Algerian state. This meant there were far fewer official documents available for historians to study. Also, while some colonial-era archives are available, the Algerian National Archives have never allowed access to records from the independence period.
• Language Barriers: Most of the important historical documents from this period are in French. However, many history students today speak Arabic. This language difference makes it harder for them to study these documents.
• Witnesses' Silence: It was also hard to get people who lived through these times to share their stories. Many witnesses were hesitant to talk about events after 1962, perhaps fearing they might contradict the FLN's official story. Some historians have even said that "after 1962, the past is not history," suggesting that this period was seen as less important. While people are starting to share their memories more now, it's still hard to find other evidence to support these personal accounts.

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Sources

• Original text: Library of Congress Country Study of Algeria