1964–1965 Scripto strike facts for kids
Quick facts for kids 1964–1965 Scripto strike |
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| Part of the civil rights movement | |||
| Date | November 27, 1964 – January 9, 1965 (1 month, 1 week and 6 days) |
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| Location | |||
| Caused by | Disagreements over the terms of a labor contract | ||
| Goals | Increased pay, improved employee benefits | ||
| Methods |
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| Resulted in | Union and company agree to a three-year contract that included increased pay and more employee benefits | ||
| Parties to the civil conflict | |||
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The 1964–1965 Scripto strike was a worker strike at the Scripto company in Atlanta, Georgia. It started on November 27, 1964, and ended on January 9, 1965. The strike happened because the company and its workers could not agree on a new contract.
This strike was a key moment in the Civil Rights Movement. Civil rights leaders and labor activists worked together to support the workers. The strike ended when the company and the union agreed to a three-year contract. This contract gave workers better pay and more benefits.
What Led to the Strike?
Scripto's History
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Scripto started in Atlanta in 1908 as the National Pencil Company. It later became Scripto in the 1920s. The company made mechanical pencils, pens, and lighters. In the 1930s, Scripto built a large factory in Sweet Auburn, a neighborhood in Atlanta. This area was home to many African American families.
By the 1960s, Scripto was one of the biggest pen makers in the country. It was also a major employer in Atlanta. The company hired many black women for its factory jobs.
Early Attempts to Form a Union
Scripto hired many African American workers for lower-paying jobs. By 1940, about 80% of the factory workers were African American. Most of the managers, however, were white. Workers faced workplace discrimination. Because of this, workers tried to form a union several times.
In 1940, the United Steelworkers union tried to organize the factory. This effort failed. In 1946, they tried again and succeeded in forming a union. Local black church leaders, like Martin Luther King Sr., supported this effort. Many Scripto workers attended his church, Ebenezer Baptist Church.
Scripto, however, refused to work with the union. The union then called for a strike on October 7, 1946. More than 500 African American workers joined the picketing. They wanted a union contract, better wages, and paid vacations. The strike lasted about six months. But it ended without reaching its goals. Only a few striking workers were hired back by Scripto.
In 1947, James V. Carmichael became Scripto's president. He believed in treating workers well. He was proud that Scripto hired African Americans for production jobs. But he also fired workers who tried to form a union at another Scripto plant in 1953.
The ICWU Unionizes Scripto
In late 1962, the International Chemical Workers Union (ICWU) began trying to organize Scripto workers. The ICWU focused on both workers' rights and civil rights. They hired James Hampton, an African American labor activist, to help. Hampton connected the union effort to the larger Civil Rights Movement. He worked with black church leaders, including King Sr., to gain support.
In August 1963, the ICWU had enough support for an election. Scripto tried to stop the union. They even removed racial segregation signs from bathrooms. But many workers saw joining the union as part of the civil rights struggle. Important events like Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech and the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing made racial issues even more important.
On September 27, 1963, the workers voted. The union won, with 519 votes to 428. Most of the workers who voted were African American women. Scripto tried to challenge the election results, saying the union used racial issues unfairly. But after many months, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) ruled in favor of the union in June 1964. The ICWU became the official representative for Scripto workers.
Contract Talks Begin
After the union won, they started talking with Scripto about a new contract. These talks lasted about six months. The union felt the company was not serious about reaching a deal. Important issues like wages were not being discussed.
During this time, Carl Singer became the new president of Scripto. He replaced James Carmichael, who was in poor health. Singer was not fully aware of the problems the company was having with the union.
By November 1964, Scripto offered a small pay raise. They offered a 4% raise for "skilled" workers and 2% for "unskilled" workers. Unskilled workers made about $1.25 to $1.30 an hour. The 2% raise meant only about 3 cents more per hour. The union wanted an 8% raise for everyone.
The union said Scripto's offer was unfair. They pointed out that almost all skilled workers were white, and almost all unskilled workers were African American. This meant white workers would get a much bigger raise. The union also said Scripto planned to remove Christmas bonuses to pay for the raises. These bonuses were usually a week's pay. Unskilled workers at Scripto earned much less than the national poverty line.
Workers Decide to Strike
On November 25, 1964, the day before Thanksgiving, many workers met. They decided to go on strike. The union leader, Jerry Levine, was surprised but agreed. Workers spent the holiday making picket signs. They prepared for the strike to begin when the factory reopened.
The Strike Begins
First Days of the Strike
The strike started on November 27, 1964. About 85% of the factory's workers walked out. Most of them were about 700 black women. The factory stayed open because of Georgia's right-to-work law. Scripto hired new workers to keep production going.
Outside the factory, strikers carried signs saying, "We're Human Beings — Not Machines." They sang protest songs like "We Shall Overcome". Local and national newspapers covered the strike. They focused on the racial issues involved. The union paid strikers $57 a week to help them.
Talks and Deadlock
A week into the strike, the union and company met with a mediator. The main issue was the different pay raises for skilled and unskilled workers. The union saw this as a racial problem. They said African American workers were not given training to become skilled. Scripto, however, said it was only about money, not race.
Both sides stuck to their original pay proposals. The company also refused to automatically take union dues from paychecks. Because of these disagreements, talks stalled for weeks.
Martin Luther King Jr. Gets Involved
Martin Luther King Jr. and his father, King Sr., supported the ICWU's efforts from the start. King Jr. grew up near the factory. Many striking workers were members of his church, Ebenezer Baptist.
On November 29, King Jr. sent a telegram to Scripto's president. He supported the strikers and criticized the company. He threatened a nationwide boycott of Scripto products if the strike continued.
King Jr. was scheduled to speak at a rally on December 1. But he had to meet with the FBI director. Other civil rights leaders, like C. T. Vivian and Ralph Abernathy, spoke instead. Abernathy also joined the workers on the picket line.
Vivian believed that unions could help African Americans achieve economic equality. King Jr. had mixed feelings about unions. But he said on TV, "We have decided that now is the time to identify our movement very closely with labor."
On December 4, King Jr. left Atlanta to accept the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo. He returned on December 18. The very next day, he joined the picket line. This brought international attention to the strike. On December 20, King Jr. spoke to strikers at Ebenezer Baptist. He said, "Along with the struggle to desegregate, we must engage in the struggle for better jobs."
Some conservative groups criticized King's involvement. They called him a "Communist inspired racial agitator."
The Boycott Begins
The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) helped organize a national boycott of Scripto products. Vivian contacted 2,500 SCLC groups. They asked stores to remove Scripto items. Other civil rights groups, like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), also supported the boycott.
Over 500,000 flyers were printed. They showed a crying Santa Claus and said, "Don't buy Scripto products." John Lewis, the SNCC chairman, asked the U.S. government to join the boycott. He said Scripto was using "economic slavery" with its black workers.
Secret Talks and the End of the Strike
On December 21, the company offered a four-cent pay raise. But it still meant workers would lose their Christmas bonuses. By this time, everyone was struggling. Strikers were losing money. The union's strike funds were almost gone. The SCLC worried about the strike failing. Scripto's reputation was also damaged.
Unknown to the union, Scripto's president, Carl Singer, had been secretly talking with King Jr. Singer called King directly, even though King was not authorized to negotiate for the union. They met four times at Scripto's headquarters. They agreed that King would end the boycott if Scripto gave workers their Christmas bonuses. King may have agreed because the SCLC was planning the important Selma to Montgomery marches and was behind schedule.
This agreement was announced on December 24. The SCLC's involvement and the boycott ended. Union leaders were upset. They felt King's actions had hurt the strike. They believed the Christmas bonuses were legally owed to workers anyway. But the union did not take legal action.
Negotiations restarted on December 29. On January 9, 1965, the union and company announced a new three-year contract. The strike was officially over.
What Happened After the Strike?
The New Contract
The three-year contract was the first in Scripto's history. It covered about 900 workers.
- Workers received a 4-cent pay raise each year for three years.
- Scripto agreed to rehire 155 strikers.
- Workers got an extra 21 cents per hour for afternoon shifts.
- They received five paid holidays.
- They got two weeks of paid vacation after one year.
- The company started a training program to help unskilled workers become skilled.
- Scripto officially recognized the union.
- Union dues were automatically taken from paychecks.
After the strike, Scripto and the union worked together to fix racial discrimination issues. The old "skilled" and "unskilled" system was replaced with 22 different job grades. King Jr. and Singer also developed a better relationship. When King Jr. died in 1968, Scripto paid for security for his family and closed the plant for his funeral.
Martin Luther King Jr.'s Role
King's involvement in the strike received mixed reactions. Union organizers felt he interfered. White business leaders and black leaders in Atlanta worried he upset the balance of slow civil rights progress. Some in the black community felt Scripto was unfairly targeted, as it provided stable jobs for African Americans.
King had promised to work more with labor activists. But after the Scripto strike, the SCLC generally stayed away from labor issues. Scripto and the ICWU also excluded the SCLC from future contract talks. King did not get deeply involved in another major strike until the Memphis sanitation strike in 1968.
Scripto's Later Years
In the late 1960s and 1970s, Scripto faced more competition. Their Sweet Auburn factory became old. In December 1977, Scripto closed the plant and moved production. Over the years, Scripto was bought by other companies. Its factories moved out of Georgia.
The old Scripto factory in Sweet Auburn was abandoned for many years. It needed a lot of cleaning. In the 1990s, a group bought the land. They cleaned it up and tore down the old buildings. This was partly to prepare for the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta. In 1996, the land was given to the National Park Service. Today, it is a parking lot for the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historical Park.
Historians like Joseph M. Thompson say the Scripto strike is important for more than just King's involvement. It also shows a long history of black women organizing for their rights in Atlanta. He compares it to other events, like the 1881 Atlanta washerwomen strike. Thompson believes the 1964 Scripto strike was a victory in the long fight for black women's economic rights in Atlanta.
