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Sovereign State of Uganda
(1963–1967)

Republic of Uganda
(1967–1971)

Jamhuri ya Uganda
1962–1971
of Uganda
Coat of arms
Motto: "For God and My Country"
Anthem: "Oh Uganda, Land of Beauty"
LocationUganda.svg
Capital Kampala
Common languages English and Swahili
Religion
Christianity and Islam
Demonym(s) Ugandan
Government Federal parliamentary elective constitutional monarchy (1963-1966)
Unitary parliamentary socialist republic under a dictatorship (1966-1971)
President  
• 1963–1966
Edward Mutesa II
• 1966–1971
Milton Obote
Vice President  
• 1963–1966
William Wilberforce Kadhumbla Nadhope III
• 1966–1971
John Babiiha
Prime Minister  
• 1963–1966
Milton Obote
Legislature Parliament
Historical era Cold War
• Established
9 October 1962
• Subnational monarchies abolished
8 September 1967
• Coup d'état
25 January 1971
Population
• 1969
9,548,847
Currency East African shilling
(1963–1966)
Ugandan shilling
(1966–1971)
ISO 3166 code UG
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Dominion of Uganda
Buganda
Bunyoro
Busoga
Rwenzururu
Tooro Kingdom
Ankole
Chiefdom of Bunya
Kooki
Second Republic of Uganda
Today part of Uganda

This article explores the history of Uganda from 1963 to 1971. This was a key time for Uganda, starting after it gained independence from the United Kingdom. It covers the period leading up to the rule of Idi Amin.

Uganda was first called the Sovereign State of Uganda from 1963 to 1967. Then, it became the Republic of Uganda in 1967. This change happened when a new set of rules (the constitution) was put in place. Before 1967, Uganda was a republic where the President was chosen by the parliament from five local kings.

During these years, Milton Obote was a very important leader. He was Uganda's first Prime Minister and later became President. He was removed from power by Amin but returned to lead Uganda again in the 1980s.

Uganda's Journey to Independence

Uganda's path to becoming an independent country was a bit different from other places. Usually, political groups form to demand self-rule. In Uganda, people wanted more control, but these wishes often came from the five local kingdoms within the colony.

Uganda faced many divisions. These included differences based on regions, religions, and ethnic groups. The kingdom of Buganda was very powerful, which sometimes bothered the other four kingdoms. For example, the kingdom of Bunyoro felt unfairly treated because it had lost some of its lands.

Religious differences also played a role. Many of the powerful people, who had ties to the British, were Protestant. Most of the population was Catholic, and they often felt left out of power. There was also a significant Muslim population who were not in power.

Ethnic differences were also important. Many businesses in Uganda were run by Indian immigrants. They were a large part of the country's merchants. There was also a long-standing difference between the Nilotic people in the north and the Bantu people in the south.

As independence approached, three main political parties formed. The Democratic Party (DP) mainly represented the Catholic population. The Uganda People's Congress (UPC) had support mostly from the northern and western parts of the country. The Kabaka Yekka (KY) party, meaning "king only," was a group that supported Buganda's king.

Before independence, the Democratic Party won the most seats but not a majority. In the 1962 elections, the UPC and KY parties joined together. This allowed them to form a government and keep the DP out of power. Milton Obote, the leader of the Uganda People's Congress, became Uganda's first Prime Minister.

Working Together: The UPC-KY Government (1962–1964)

The Uganda People's Congress (UPC) faced challenges in forming a government. Its leaders came from different parts of the country and represented various ethnic groups. For example, Milton Obote was strong among his Langi relatives in northern Uganda. Each leader expected to get a government job and bring benefits to their local supporters. If they didn't, they might leave the UPC group.

The UPC also didn't have a strong presence in cities before independence. It could get support from trade unions, but many of these were led by workers from Kenya. This led to some tension between the new government and the unions. The UPC was a mix of different ideas, with some members being very traditional and others more radical. As Prime Minister, Obote had to keep this diverse group working together.

Obote also needed to keep the UPC's alliances strong, especially with the kabaka (king) of Buganda and his KY party. Obote was good at handling the different demands of his partners. He even agreed to some things he didn't like, such as Buganda's request for special treatment. This led other kingdoms to ask for similar recognition. For example, the Busoga chiefdoms wanted their new monarch, the kyabasinga, to be recognized. Obote's main goal, however, was to build a strong central government. He wanted to reduce the power of local groups, especially Buganda.

The first big challenge to Obote's government came from the military in January 1964. Soldiers in the Ugandan Army protested, demanding higher pay and faster promotions. The Minister of Defense, Onama, was even taken hostage. Obote had to ask British troops for help to restore order, which was a bit embarrassing for the new country. After this, Obote's government agreed to the soldiers' demands.

The military then started to play a bigger role in Uganda. Obote chose a popular junior officer named Idi Amin Dada and quickly promoted him. As the army grew, it became a way for people to gain political influence and power.

The Coalition Breaks Apart (1964)

By late 1964, Obote felt strong enough to deal with the issue of the "lost counties." These were areas that had been taken from Bunyoro and given to Buganda by the British. The British had delayed solving this problem until after independence.

Obote's government slowly gained more support in parliament. Members from other parties started to join the UPC. After two years, Obote finally had enough votes to give the UPC a majority. This meant he no longer needed the KY party's support. A key moment was when some DP members from Bunyoro joined the government. They agreed to do so if Obote would hold a public vote to return the "lost counties" to Bunyoro.

The kabaka of Buganda was against this vote. He tried to stop it by sending armed men to the area. In response, men from Bunyoro gathered at the border. A civil war was avoided, and the vote took place. The results showed that most people in the "lost counties" wanted to return to Bunyoro. The UPC, now with a majority, made this happen, despite opposition from the KY party.

This victory made Obote and the UPC stronger and caused problems for Buganda. The KY party became divided, and some of its members also joined Obote's government. By early 1966, the UPC had most of the seats in parliament. However, Obote's government also faced challenges like food shortages and corruption, and some people felt unsafe.

UPC Rule and Growing Tensions (1964–1966)

As the power of Buganda seemed to lessen, some alliances within the UPC also weakened. With the opposition party (DP) losing influence, the UPC itself started to face internal conflicts. The country becoming a one-party state didn't end political disagreements; it just moved them inside the ruling party.

A major issue that caused problems within the UPC involved Obote's military protégé, Idi Amin. In 1966, Amin caused a stir when he deposited a large sum of money into a bank. This led to questions from Obote's rivals. It seemed that Obote and some close friends had used Colonel Amin and the army to get involved in a conflict in the neighboring Congo.

Rivals within the UPC accused Obote and his associates of misusing funds and getting involved in secret dealings for personal gain. Obote denied these accusations. On February 4, 1966, while Obote was away, UPC members of parliament voted against him. Many expected Obote to resign after this.

Instead, Obote turned to Idi Amin and the army. He took strong actions to stay in power, which was like a coup d'état against his own government. Obote stopped the country's constitution and arrested the ministers who had voted against him. He then took control of the state. He forced a new constitution through parliament without proper debate. This new constitution removed the special powers of the kingdoms, especially Buganda's self-rule. It also gave more power to the Prime Minister's office.

The kabaka of Buganda protested and prepared for a legal fight. Buganda leaders demanded that Obote's government leave their land. However, Obote was not interested in talking. He sent Idi Amin and loyal troops to attack the kabaka's palace on Mengo Hill. The palace was defended by a small group of bodyguards. Amin's troops had heavy weapons. After a battle, the palace was taken over. The kabaka managed to escape and went into exile.

After this attack, Obote felt more secure from open opposition. The new constitution in 1967 completely got rid of the kingdoms. Buganda was divided into four smaller districts and was ruled by military law. This was a sign of the military control that would later affect all of Uganda after 1971.

UPC One-Party Rule (1966–1971)

Obote's success in overcoming challenges brought back the support of most UPC members. The UPC then became the only legal political party in Uganda. The 1962 election was the last one held in Uganda until December 1980.

At home, Obote introduced the "Common Man's Charter." This document echoed the idea of African socialism, similar to what Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere promoted. It was meant to show new efforts to strengthen his power. Obote also created a special security unit, the General Service Unit (GSU). This unit, led by a relative, watched people suspected of being against the government. Special police forces, mostly recruited from Obote's own region, also helped the army and police.

Even though Buganda had been defeated and was under military control, Obote was still worried about security there. His concerns were valid. In December 1969, he was injured in an assassination attempt. He narrowly escaped more serious harm when a grenade thrown near him did not explode. Obote had stayed in power by relying on Idi Amin and the army, but he wasn't sure if he could always trust them.

Rivalry with Idi Amin

Obote became especially unsure of the army after Brigadier Acap Okoya, Amin's only rival among senior army officers, was murdered in early 1970. (Amin later promoted the person rumored to have recruited Okoya's killers.) Another attempt was made on Obote's life later that year when his motorcade was ambushed. However, the vice-president's car was mistakenly hit with bullets instead.

Obote started to recruit more Acholi and Langi troops, who were from his own ethnic group. He also promoted them quickly. This was done to balance the large number of soldiers from Amin's home area, then known as West Nile District. Obote also made the paramilitary Special Force larger to act as a counterweight to the army.

Amin, who sometimes wore a large sport shirt with Obote's face on it, insisted he was loyal. But in October 1970, Amin was put under temporary house arrest. Investigators were looking into his army spending, which was reportedly millions of dollars over budget. Another accusation against Amin was that he continued to help rebels in southern Sudan. This was happening even after Obote had stopped supporting them. This change in foreign policy caused concern from Israel, which had been supplying the rebels. Amin was close friends with several Israeli military advisers in Uganda. Their role in Amin's later efforts to remove Obote remained a topic of discussion.

See also

  • Uganda Army (1962–1971)

Sources

  • "Country Studies".. Federal Research Division. 

- Uganda

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