Paloma (archaeological site) facts for kids

Paloma is an ancient village site in Peru, located about 65 kilometers (40 miles) south of Lima. It's found in the Chilca District, within the Cañete Province.

Scientists have used radiocarbon dating to figure out that people lived in Paloma from around 5700 BCE to 2800 BCE. This time period is known as the late Preceramic IV and Preceramic V periods in ancient Peruvian history. Paloma is special because it's one of the oldest villages in the Americas that archaeologists have been able to date so clearly using layers of soil.

The village was built on the northern edge of the Chilca River valley, in hills that separate the main valley from a dry canyon. The people living there could easily walk to both the Chilca River (about 7-8 km south) and the Pacific Ocean coast (3-4 km west).

Paloma is located on the edge of the lomas, which are special areas where fog provides enough moisture for plants to grow, even though the region is usually very dry. However, it's not completely clear how the ancient villagers got their fresh water. There are a few ideas:

• They might have dug wells deep enough to reach the water table.
• A spring located a short walk east of the village might have provided water. This spring might only flow sometimes.
• They might have used sand-lined pits to collect moisture from the fog.

What Paloma Looks Like

The site of Paloma holds the buried remains of huts made from reeds. The ground across an area of 15 hectares is covered with crushed white shells, which makes the site easy to spot.

The thickest layers of ancient garbage, called midden deposits, are found near a small canyon on the western side of the site. This area seems to have been used as a garbage dump for at least part of Paloma's history. You can find lots of food scraps and broken tools here.

The thickness of the midden varies across the site. There are about a dozen spots on the surface where garbage is concentrated, and these often overlap with where houses and burials were located. Deeper underground, the garbage layers are more continuous throughout the site.

The largest concentration of remains is called "Unit 1." It covers an area of 6,500 square meters and is anywhere from a few centimeters to about a meter deep. Unit 1 is divided into 7 main layers, from top to bottom:

These layers are probably found throughout the entire site, not just in Unit 1. They are just ways to organize the findings and are not always all present. For example, in some parts of Unit 1, Level 500 deposits are found right below the surface. In Unit 1, Levels 200, 300, 400, and 500 are the most common layers. Most of the houses, burials, and tools are found in these four layers.

Paloma's History

The Paloma site is dated to about 6,500 radiocarbon years ago. This was around the same time that the last great ice sheet in North America, the Laurentide ice sheet, melted. This also caused sea levels around the world to rise to their current levels. It's possible that earlier settlements along the coast nearby were covered by the rising sea.

Paloma's population grew during the Middle and Late Preceramic periods. This could mean that more children survived to adulthood, or that different groups of people joined together to form one settlement, or both. The health and life expectancy of Paloma's residents also seemed to get better over time. Skeletons found from later burials show fewer signs of stress and include fewer young people.

At the same time, people gradually used too many resources from the fog-watered lomas. This led to fewer plants and less water. Because of this, the local economy started to focus more and more on resources from the sea, especially during the last period people lived there.

Studies of human remains at Paloma suggest that a new group of people came to live at the site during the time of Levels 200 and 300.

The warmest period in Earth's recent history, called the worldwide climatic optimum, ended around 3000 BCE. In South America, the weather became drier and less predictable.

During the final period of people living at Paloma, the population growth rate was slowing down, even though the overall population of the region was increasing. The people of Paloma eventually moved to the nearby Chilca River valley.

The settlement at Paloma probably ended around 2500 BCE. However, people have likely visited or lived at the site occasionally since then. For example, some ears of maize (corn) found buried with a dog-like animal in 1979 were dated to about 1,830 years ago, which is around 150 CE.

Buildings and Burials

Houses

The huts at Paloma came in different shapes, from circles to ovals to rectangles. Their floors were usually sloped towards the center and were dug down 25 to 60 centimeters (10 to 24 inches) so that the floor was below ground level.

The main support for the huts came from a frame of willow and cane (Gynerium sagittatum) poles. Sometimes, these poles were tied together with reed twine in groups of two or four for extra strength. Often, stones were wedged at the base of the poles to provide more support. The poles might have also been supported by parallel cross poles, forming a grid or lattice structure. Loose bundles of grass, sedges, or reeds were then stuffed between the poles to help keep the huts warm. It's likely, but not completely certain, that large reed mats were placed on top for even more insulation. The floors, however, were definitely covered with these mats, as some have been found in place.

The exact shape of the roofs is not entirely known. At first, archaeologists thought the huts were dome-shaped, like those at the nearby Chilca I site. But in House 101, a well-preserved hut, a collapsed section of latticework was found on the floor. This led archaeologists to think that it might have originally had a flat, square roof on top of a round base.

Many of the huts have an extra outer wall that curves out, always on the southwest side of the house. These walls most likely acted as windbreaks to protect the house from cold winter winds. Today, the strongest winds come from the southwest, and they probably did in ancient times too. The area enclosed by these outer walls might have also been used for storage.

On average, the houses at Paloma were about 10.9 square meters (117 square feet). This might seem small, but the people of Paloma probably spent most of their time outdoors, so they didn't need huge houses. Also, sleeping close together would have helped them stay warmer on cold winter nights. Even today, simple huts in the region are often about 10 square meters.

Burials

One of the most important sources of information at Paloma comes from the many burials found there. They not only show how the people of Paloma buried their dead, but the physical remains also tell us about their health and how long they lived.

Most people were buried wrapped in a reed mat, either under the floor of a house or outdoors. The soil and ancient garbage helped keep the skeletons in good condition. Although not common, small amounts of skin and muscle were preserved in places where the wrappings protected them from falling apart. Hair, brains, and internal organs were also found in some cases, but usually, only stains in the soil showed where internal organs had been. The lack of soft body parts can be explained by water seeping underground in the relatively damp lomas. Better-preserved burials are usually found in drier places. Generally, deeper burials were better preserved because less fog moisture seeped down that far.

Almost all burials at Paloma seem to have been first-time burials, meaning they weren't moved or disturbed much later. Most burials were done in specially dug, grass-lined pits under the floor of a house. There were also a couple of cases where babies were buried in abandoned storage pits. Towards the later part of Paloma's history, around Level 200, another way of burial appeared: instead of digging a pit, the dead person was simply placed on the floor, and then the house was destroyed. (A similar practice was also seen at Chilca I around the same time.)

Usually, the dead were placed with their knees tucked in towards their chest. Hands were often placed at the face or hips. Broken bones and cuts on hands and feet suggest that the bodies might have been forced into this position after death. Some researchers have suggested that the bodies might have been covered with salt before burial. The presence of coprolites (fossilized poop) in some graves suggests that burial likely happened quickly after death.

A relatively high number of burials at Paloma are infants. According to one archaeologist, this is because the good preservation at Paloma means that a very complete sample of burials is available, so the number of infant burials is accurately represented.

Grave goods (items buried with the dead) are not very common at Paloma. The most frequent items found in graves are things like ornaments and clothing. After the dead were placed in a grave, there might have been a special ceremony involving fire. Burned burial wrappings show that hot hearth stones were taken from a fire and placed on top of the wrapped body. Once the grave was covered with earth, people might have sometimes built a fire on top of it. Sometimes, the graves were topped with a smooth beach pebble.

Other Structures

At least 500 round storage pits were dug at Paloma, usually outside of huts. They ranged from small ones (10 cm deep and 20 cm wide) to large ones (about a meter deep and wide). Some of the larger pits were lined with grass, probably to keep their contents from touching the dirt. These might have been used to store food, but it's not entirely clear. Most of the pits were empty when archaeologists found them, which suggests they might have only been used for short-term storage. The large number of storage pits shows that storing things was very important to the village's economy. Some small pits next to burials were also used for grave offerings.

Remains of hearths (fireplaces) have also been found both inside huts and outdoors. Inside the huts, ashes and burnt twigs were found on the floor and might have been burned to provide warmth during cold, foggy winters. Outdoors, large oval-shaped hearths covered in burnt cobbles (round stones) probably served as cooking areas.

The garbage dump on the west side of the site might have also been used for preparing food and other activities at different times. The discovery of burials and part of a house (House 102) in the lower layers of this area suggests that it only became a garbage dump later on.

To the northeast of the main garbage area, there are some partly underground stone structures whose original purpose is unknown. A burial found underneath one of them contained cotton textiles and was dated to between 2170 and 1960 BCE, during the Late Preceramic period.

South of these structures and east of the garbage area, there are 36 sunken plots in the ground, each about 2 square meters (21.5 square feet). These haven't been fully studied, so their exact purpose is unknown. However, they might have been sunken garden plots that took advantage of the relatively high water underground. Similar sunken garden plots are known from other places in Peru. These plots at Paloma, though, might have been made after 2500 BCE, after the village was abandoned.

Village Size and Layout

The total size of Paloma when it was a thriving village is unknown. Excavations in Unit 1 in 1976 found 42 houses in just 10% of the area. This might suggest a total of 420 houses, but one archaeologist, Jeffrey Quilter, thinks that number seems too high. According to Robert Benfer, Paloma was probably the largest settlement on the central Peruvian coast during its busiest time. His estimates suggest a peak population of about 450 people during Level 300, which likely had the wettest climate based on the many grasses preserved. In earlier periods, from 6500-5300 BP during Level 400, the same estimates would give Paloma a population of about 60. During Level 200, the final period of people living there, there would have been about 200 people.

In terms of its physical layout, the village doesn't seem to have followed any real pattern. No large open spaces that suggest a general plaza (a central gathering area) have been found. In general, though, it seems that new buildings "never intruded upon older ones." Once a structure was abandoned, it was not disturbed. This is a big reason why the remains at Paloma stayed so well preserved. One researcher, John Greer, also suggested that the village started in the middle of Unit 1 and then grew outwards over time.

Economy and Daily Life

In general, life at Paloma was "neither easy nor desperate." The people of Paloma seemed to do "fairly well for a preindustrial group." Seafood from the ocean provided a rich source of protein, while plants from the lomas (and the nearby Chilca River valley) provided food and materials for tools and crafts. The available resources were enough to support a permanent settlement, and at least during some periods, Paloma seems to have been lived in all year round. At other times, though, people might have only lived there seasonally, moving around as nomads between different base camps.

Climate problems from occasional El Niño events don't seem to have had a big negative impact on the residents' health. Patterns in their bones show relatively short, repeated periods of stress rather than one major famine. Storing food, using salt from nearby areas as a preservative, helped them deal with any effects of an El Niño.

How They Got Food

The diet of the people of Paloma was based on seafood, mainly fish and shellfish, along with the occasional sea lion. They also ate plants from the lomas. This diet was rich in protein, and if they also ate seaweed (which was likely), it was probably very nutritious. Over time, they focused more and more on harvesting resources from the sea. The amount of food they produced seemed to increase, as it was able to support a larger population with better health than before.

Marine animals with backbones, mostly fish, made up 71% of the total living matter found at Paloma, while marine animals without backbones (like shellfish) made up 20%. However, this probably doesn't fully show how important shellfish were to the Paloma diet. This is because most shellfish were likely eaten right at the water's edge, rather than people carrying heavy loads of them all the way back to the village. The shellfish remains found at Paloma were probably brought there for short-term storage. By keeping shellfish wrapped in seaweed or stored in pits, they can stay fresh for several days.

Large fish found at Paloma include the cabrilla (Paralabrax), Haemulon, Paralonchurus, and Sciaena deliciosa. Small fish included anchovies and herring. Many of these fish are deep-water species, which means the people of Paloma must have been good at seafaring (traveling by sea). However, no boats have been found at Paloma or at other preceramic Peruvian sites. They were probably left by the water's edge instead of being carried to the village.

Processing fish for food was minimal. For small fish, removing the head was usually all that was needed to prepare them for storage. Salt was definitely used as a preservative. The nearby mines at Las Salinas, between Chilca and the Mala River valley, probably supplied the salt. Fish paste, a common South American food, is very nutritious and would have kept well in storage pits. However, archaeologists have had trouble proving it was definitely made at Paloma. Such a nutritious food was probably too valuable for the ancient residents to let it go to waste. The importance of ground-up fish meal at Paloma is debated. One archaeologist, Robert Benfer, said it was "labor intensive with little reward" and that earlier scholars exaggerated its importance. Benfer wrote that some fish meal had been found at the site, but not much. Jeffrey Quilter, on the other hand, wrote that much of what was thought to be fish meal was actually fossilized poop.

Shellfish found at Paloma include several types of mussels (Perumytilus purpuratus, Semimytilus algosus, Choromytilus chorus) and clams (Protothaca thaca, Mesodesma donacium). The first clams appear at Level 300, and mussels also become more common at that point. Mussels are usually found on rocky shores, while clams are mostly found on sandy beaches. This suggests that the people of Paloma expanded their hunting and gathering areas over time. The closest shores to the site are rocky, perfect for gathering mussels. Sandy beaches for gathering clams are farther away, with the nearest large areas being 6 km northwest, at San Bartolo, or near the mouth of the Chilca River to the south.

Cultivated gourds, which are the earliest known domesticated plants in South America, are quite common at Paloma. Here, they were probably used less as a main food source and more for other things like floats for fishing nets or containers. Some gourd fragments were found with holes near the edges and thin cords going through them, which might have been for hanging them up. One gourd fragment with many holes might have been used as a sieve or colander.

One plant from the lomas, a begonia called Begonia geraniifolia, might have been in the process of being domesticated at Paloma. This plant has large edible tubers, similar to potatoes. In some areas, these were the most common plant remains found at the site. It might not have been fully domesticated, but it was probably at least managed or encouraged by the people. There is "no modern, historical, or ethnographic evidence for the use of this plant" today.

The fruits of the mito (Carica candicans), the algarrobo (Prosopis), and the cactus Loxanthocereus were also eaten.

Trading with Others

Some items found at Paloma are not found locally, which suggests that the people who lived here traded with other groups who lived farther away. For example, the nearest source of obsidian (a type of volcanic glass) is at Huancavelica, in the southern mountains, 400 km (250 miles) away. A carved bone from a spider monkey is also unlikely to have been local. Spider monkeys don't live in the lomas; their closest homes are in the ceja de la selva (eyebrow of the jungle) in the Andes or on wetter slopes further north near the present-day border with Ecuador. A bright red Spondylus shell was also found at Paloma. This type of shell is "not usually found south of the warm waters of the Gulf of Guayaquil, and it is almost certain that this has always been their southern limit." Trade with these distant areas was likely done indirectly, through "down-the-line" exchanges, rather than direct contact with those groups.

Plants at Paloma

Since the time when Paloma was a village, the ecosystem of the surrounding lomas has changed a lot. In ancient times, there might have been many plant species that are now extinct or rare. For example, the most common type of pollen found at archaeological sites in the area cannot be identified with any present-day species. (It might belong to the genus Heliotropium, but this is uncertain.) Meanwhile, many of the plant species now present in the area were only brought in after the Spanish arrived.

The lomas surrounding ancient Paloma had richer plant life than they do today. Trees were much more common then, which helped keep moisture from winter fogs in the ground. This, in turn, helped other plants grow. Among the more common trees were willow (Salix), chaydo (Capparis prisca), and various species of Caesalpinia. Several leafy shrubs, like Piqueria, Croton alnifolius, and Heliotropium, also helped the tree canopy hold moisture.

Over time, human activity caused this delicate landscape to degrade. Cutting down trees for firewood reduced the lomas overstory (the upper layer of trees and shrubs). This caused ground moisture to evaporate more quickly, which eventually led to a decline in plant life, both in how many plants there were and how many different species. Later layers at Paloma show fewer remains of woody plants that were burned, and preserved firewood is generally smaller in diameter than in earlier levels. This environmental damage may have contributed to Paloma eventually being abandoned.

How Paloma Was Studied

Archaeologist Frédéric Engel conducted excavations in 1973, digging two cross-shaped trenches in Unit 1. In 1975, more excavations were planned as a joint project between the University of Missouri-Columbia and the National Agrarian University of Peru's Center for the Study of Arid Zones. There were two five-month field seasons in 1976 and 1979, followed by more limited excavations in 1982, which also involved rechecking the site's layers. These studies involved expanding the excavated area beyond the initial two trenches.