Hezbe Wahdat facts for kids

Quick facts for kids Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan حزب وحدت اسلامی افغانستان Hezb-e Wahdat Islami Afghanistan
Leader	Karim Khalili
Founder	Abdul Ali Mazari
Founded	1989
Preceded by	Tehran Eight
Headquarters	Kabul, Afghanistan
Ideology	Hazara minority rights Shia Islamism Anti-Communism
Colors	Black, red and green
Party flag
Website
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Hezb-e Wahdat-e Islami Afghanistan (which means "the Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan") is an Afghan political party. It is often called Hezbe Wahdat ("the Unity Party"). It was started in 1989.

Like many big political groups in Afghanistan, Hezbe Wahdat began during the time when people were fighting against the Soviet Union in the 1980s. Its main goal was to bring together nine different military and political groups. These groups often disagreed with each other.

During the civil war in the early 1990s, Hezbe Wahdat became a very important group in Kabul and other parts of the country. Many of its leaders believed in political Islam. But over time, the party focused more on supporting the Hazara ethnic group. It became the main voice for the Hazara community's political needs.

By 2009, Hezbe Wahdat had split into at least four different groups. Each group claimed to be the real Hezbe Wahdat. This made the party much less powerful than it used to be.

How the Party Started

Abdul Karim Khalili with Deputy Prime Minister of Russia Igor Sechin, May 14, 2009, Moscow.

After the Soviet-backed government in Kabul lost control of the Hazarajat region in 1979, many new groups appeared. These groups fought against the Soviet forces. They also had their own disagreements and power struggles.

By the mid-1980s, no single group could fully control the Hazarajat region. People in the region, both villagers and leaders, strongly wanted to unite. They hoped this would bring peace and stability.

Many attempts to unite these groups failed. Alliances were made and then broken. One important alliance was the Shuray-e Eatelaf. This group of eight major organizations formed in Tehran, Iran, in 1985. It helped the Hazara fighters (mujahedin) have a common voice when talking with other groups. But it could not stop the disagreements within the party. A bigger change was needed to bring real stability.

When the Soviets announced they would leave Afghanistan in 1988, people expected the Kabul government to fall. This led to new political groups forming. The Hazara alliance in Tehran was not included in talks about a new government. This made Hazara groups realize they needed to unite and be stronger to have a voice.

Many meetings were held in the Hazarajat region to discuss forming a single party. In August 1988, the city of Bamyan was taken by Hazara fighters. This helped the idea of a regional organization grow. The different groups worked together to take Bamyan. This event meant the Kabul government had no presence left in the Hazarajat region.

Bamyan became a key place for political talks. In July 1989, less than a year after Bamyan was freed, the "Misaq-e Wahdat" (unity treaty) was signed there. This treaty created the new party. Unlike earlier efforts, this unity process started from within Afghanistan. It was shaped by the realities of war and disagreements among local commanders.

Some Iranian officials were worried about the new party. They liked dealing with smaller, separate groups because it gave them more control. They also preferred a broader Islamic unity, not one focused on ethnic groups like the Hazaras. However, once Hezbe Wahdat was formed, Iran decided to support it. But the party soon started to follow its own path, sometimes disagreeing with Iran's plans.

What Hezbe Wahdat Wanted

Roundel of Hezbe Wahdat's air force during the Civil War.

The name "Wahdat" means "Unity." The party's main goal was to unite all Shiite mujahedin groups under one political leadership. It was created because Hazara leaders and common people strongly wanted unity.

The party had a clear structure:

• Shuray-e Aali Nezarat (Supreme Supervisory Council): This group included important religious leaders. Their job was to watch over all parts of the party and make sure its activities and policies were followed.
• Central Council: This was the most important group for making decisions. It started with 36 members but grew to over 80 members. It included religious and political figures from the region, and Hazara leaders from cities. This council helped keep the different Hazara groups, who had once been enemies, working together.
• Local Councils: The party also planned for councils at the provincial and district levels. These would report to the main headquarters in Bamyan.

The idea of unity was pushed by leaders of the two main groups, Pasdaran and Nasr. They were losing control over their military commanders and needed change. It was hard to unite everyone because each group wanted to have the most power. Smaller groups wanted equal representation, while bigger groups wanted more power and positions. In the end, the bigger groups like Nasr and Pasdaran got more power.

Some smaller groups were pressured to join. They had little choice, as staying outside the new party would have been very difficult. For example, Harakat Islami, a main Shiite party, refused to join. Its leader, Shaikh Asif Mohsini, had conditions that were not met. He didn't want to join a party focused on Hazara issues. But many Hazara members of his party still joined Hezbe Wahdat. This showed how important ethnic identity was becoming after the fight against the Soviets.

Military commanders who had gained power during the war were also a challenge. Some refused to unite even if their leaders agreed. This led to fights. For example, a commander named Wasiq refused to give up his military group. This led to a fight with Hezbe Wahdat forces, and Wasiq's group was defeated. This helped Hezbe Wahdat gain control in many areas.

One by one, smaller parties were convinced or forced to join. In November 1989, a group called Shuray-e Ittefaq also joined. This was a big moment because it showed that even conservative religious leaders were accepting the new, more revolutionary Islamic ideas.

Hezbe Wahdat largely succeeded in bringing together many groups that used to be enemies. It brought some stability to the areas it controlled. However, the party still had problems with its structure and different ideas among its members.

Beliefs and Identity

Most Hezbe Wahdat leaders believed in political Islam. The party's formation showed how Hazara resistance groups were becoming more focused on Islamic ideas. It also showed the growing power of religious leaders in the region. The party's goals included creating an Islamic government based on the Quran. It also wanted to unite all Shiite groups and work with Sunni Islamic groups.

The party's goals clearly showed it was mainly a Shiite organization. It asked for Shiite law to be treated equally with the Hanafi school of law, which was common among Sunnis. Hezbe Wahdat was also open-minded for Afghanistan. It included ten women in its central council and had a committee for women's issues, led by an educated Hazara woman.

However, the party slowly started to focus more on its Hazara ethnic identity. When the communist government in Kabul fell, it was hard to form an Islamic government. The fighting groups then turned to their ethnic and regional supporters. While Islam was still the official belief, ethnic demands and power struggles became very important. Hezbe Wahdat tried to balance ethnic identity and religion. It used Islamic ideas to fight for the rights of the Hazara community, who had faced difficulties for a long time. The strong desire for Hazara unity was its main driving force.

Abdul Ali Mazari, the first leader of Hezbe Wahdat, played a key role in making the party a voice for Hazara rights. When he arrived in Kabul in 1992, he welcomed Hazaras from all backgrounds into the party. This included former leftists and government workers, which caused some disagreements within the party. The religious leaders (ulema) needed the knowledge of these educated Hazaras to help the party work in a city. Most of the religious leaders were trained in religious schools and knew little about Kabul politics. Also, Hezbe Wahdat fighters were not good at fighting in cities.

Despite this, many important figures in the central council did not want to include the educated Kabulis. They saw them as anti-religious. Even though former leftists did not get high positions, their close ties to Mazari angered the more conservative members. Muhammad Akbari, for example, did not like Hezbe Wahdat's alliances with non-religious groups.

Party's Political Plans

The idea of building an Islamic government and promoting religious friendship quickly ran into problems. Other Sunni groups in Peshawar did not welcome Hezbe Wahdat as the representative of the Hazara fighters. Hezbe Wahdat was left out of talks about forming a new government in Kabul. A Hezbe Wahdat group sent to Peshawar returned very disappointed.

In a meeting in Bamyan, Abdul Ali Mazari suggested a new political plan. Some Sunni groups had ignored the Shiite demand for fair representation in a future government. They said Shiites were not important enough to be included.

After three days of talks, the party decided on a new plan: to form an alliance with other ethnic groups in the country who had been treated unfairly. This alliance would be built with military commanders in the provinces, not with leaders in Peshawar. Government officials from different ethnic groups were also asked to join.

Fifty groups were sent to different parts of the country, including the Panjshir valley and Balkh. Their job was to find a common plan to bargain for the rights of minorities. Important agreements were made with Massoud and the future leaders of Junbish-e Milli Islami. This led to a new agreement called Paiman-e Jabalu-Seraj in April 1992. Massoud was chosen as the head of the new council, Mohammad Mohaqiq from Hezbe Wahdat as his deputy, and General Dostum as the military commander.

This alliance, which included Wahdat, Junbesh, and Massoud's group, broke apart when they tried to take control of Kabul. The agreements among Sunni groups also fell apart. Kabul became a place of terrible fighting. Hezbe Wahdat was a big part of this conflict for almost three years. This caused big arguments within the party.

Muhammad Akbari became the leader of a group within the party that supported Massoud. He disagreed with Abdul Ali Mazari's decision not to join Burhanuddin Rabbani's and Massoud's government. Mazari had allied with Hekmatyar, who was the main opposition.

The disagreements between Mazari and Akbari led to the first major split in the party. Both leaders kept separate political and military groups under the name Wahdat. Mazari kept control of the main part of the party. Their rivalry grew stronger during the party's leadership election in September 1994. This was the hardest internal power struggle the party had faced.

The election was held in a tense and violent atmosphere. Abdul Ali Mazari was re-elected as leader with 43 votes out of 82. Akbari was elected as his first deputy with 33 votes. Other important positions were also decided. Akbari's group won control of the cultural and military committees. They hoped this would help them influence the war and propaganda in favor of the Rabbani government. Karim Khalili, who later became the party leader, was chosen to lead the political affairs committee.

Distrust continued to harm the new appointments. The Rabbani government was believed to be working with Akbari to weaken Mazari and make Hezbe Wahdat an ally. Mazari suspected Akbari was trying to undermine him. A few weeks after the election, Mazari ordered his troops to attack and remove his opponents from western Kabul. Akbari and his supporters had to flee. Mazari claimed that Qasim Fahim, Rabbani's intelligence chief, was working with Akbari to force him out of leadership.

This split created a deep and lasting division among the Hazaras. Mazari and his successor, Khalili, had the support of most Hazaras. Akbari mostly worked against them. After Mazari died at the hands of the Taliban in March 1995, Karim Khalili became the new party leader. He reorganized the party, regained control of the Hazarajat region, and joined Massoud and Junbesh against the Taliban. This new alliance was called the "northern alliance". Akbari, however, joined the Taliban when they took Bamyan in September 1998.

Hezbe Wahdat After the Taliban

Hezbe Wahdat suffered three major defeats. First, it lost control of Kabul, and Mazari died in March 1995. Second, in August 1998, the Taliban took Mazar-e Sharif. This city was a major center for the Northern Alliance and had many Wahdat troops. Hezbe Wahdat had fought hard against the Taliban there in 1997. This time, thousands of Hazaras were killed or imprisoned. Third, a few weeks later, the Taliban captured Bamyan, the party's new headquarters. This marked the end of Hezbe Wahdat as a strong, united group.

The fall of these two cities was more than just military defeats. Almost all the areas the party controlled were taken by the Taliban. Its political and military leaders fled to other countries. Khalili went to Iran. Only Mohammad Mohaqiq returned to Afghanistan quickly and organized a resistance in the Balkhab district of Saripul. Hezbe Wahdat never fully recovered from these losses.

So, when the Taliban government was overthrown, Hezbe Wahdat had much less political and military power than before. Still, it claimed to represent the Hazaras, and the Hazarajat region came under its control. In the first temporary government (2001–2002), Wahdat had a small role. Mohammad Mohaqiq was a deputy chairman and Minister of Planning. Other Shiite groups were also represented.

In the new political situation, the party had to change. Military groups were asked to become civilian political parties. This meant giving up their weapons and military structures. Hezbe Wahdat's military was already broken up by the Taliban. Its leaders did not have the money or resources to rebuild their fighters. In 2005, the party's main military group was disbanded. This meant the party's military activities mostly stopped. Only a few parts of it survived in northern Afghanistan. This made Wahdat weaker compared to other groups that had more resources. But on the good side, its leaders did give up their military wing.

The Hazara community also wanted the party to reform. Many educated Hazaras came to Kabul in 2002 and offered to help the party. They suggested ways to reform and restructure the party to Karim Khalili and Muhammad Mohaqiq, who were seen as the main leaders. While the leaders agreed that changes were needed, many reformers were frustrated by the lack of action.

The party faced a big challenge in changing from a military group to a political one. This was hard for other Afghan groups too. But Hezbe Wahdat had a unique problem: a much larger group of educated Hazaras had emerged. Most of Wahdat's political leaders were religious scholars. They were wary of modern, educated politicians. Suddenly, they had to deal with ideas like democracy and human rights.

Opening the party to more educated Hazaras was key to meeting reform expectations. But after 2001, many young Hazaras educated in Iran and Pakistan returned. This was a much bigger group than the limited number of leftists welcomed in 1992. The party kept its old structure, where religious scholars led most committees. Non-religious figures only led minor committees like health. This meant the religious leaders' control over Hazara politics was at risk.

While some of Wahdat's founders remained powerful, many others were not as lucky. The party's failure to rebuild its structures left many of them without political power. Many second-tier officials could not find government jobs. Many went back to their home areas in Hazarajat, far from the leaders in Kabul.

Hezbe Wahdat Splits Apart

Hezbe Wahdat's political fragmentation in 2009 can be explained by the leadership style of its leaders. After the Taliban fell, Khalili was widely seen as the party leader. In April 2002, he moved the party headquarters to Kabul. Mohaqiq, who was a deputy chairman and Planning Minister, welcomed him. In the next government, Khalili became a vice-president, the highest Hazara official.

Mohaqiq officially led the party's political affairs committee in Kabul until 2005. But his relationship with Khalili soon broke down. Mohaqiq took a stronger stance within the government on development plans for Hazara areas. It was said that his powers as Planning Minister were being moved to the Finance Ministry, led by Ashraf Ghani. Mohaqiq left the government in 2004.

Since then, Khalili and Mohaqiq have competed for power in the government and for leadership among the Hazaras. Their rivalry became clear when Mohaqiq ran for president in 2005, and Khalili ran as vice-president with Hamid Karzai. Mohaqiq then joined the main opposition group. By opposing the government, he championed Hazara rights and continued to challenge Karim Khalili.

This focus on individual leaders led to the party splitting into four different groups:

• Hezb-e Wahdat Islami Afghanistan (Karim Khalili)
• Hezb-e Wahdat Islami Mardum-e Afghanistan (Muhammad Mohaqiq)
• Hezb-e Wahdat Milli Islami Afghanistan (Muhammad Akbari)
• Hezb-e Wahdat Islami Millat-e Afghanistan (Qurban Ali Erfani)

Glossary of Dari (Afghan Persian) words

Most of these terms come from Arabic.

See also

• List of Islamic political parties
• People's Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan
• National Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan