History of Honduras (1982–present) facts for kids
The modern history of Honduras has seen many changes. In 1982, a new constitution was approved. Roberto Suazo Córdova became president, leading the Liberal Party of Honduras. He got help from the United States, including projects from the United States Agency for International Development during a tough economic time. The US State Department noted that Honduras hosted the largest Peace Corps group, and many helpful organizations grew there.
When the 1985 election came, the Liberal Party of Honduras allowed many candidates from their own party to run for president. They won because their candidates together got more votes (42%) than the National Party of Honduras candidate, Rafael Leonardo Callejas Romero. José Azcona del Hoyo, who got the most votes among the Liberal Party candidates, became president in 1986. With support from the Honduran military, this was the first time in over 30 years that power was peacefully passed from one civilian president to another.
Rafael Leonardo Callejas Romero from the Nationalist party won the next election and became president in 1990. The country's money problems grew during his last year. People were unhappy with the rising cost of living and government corruption. So, in 1993, voters chose Carlos Roberto Reina from the Liberal Party, who won with 56% of the votes. President Reina promised a "moral revolution." He worked to stop corruption and ensure people responsible for unfair actions in the 1980s were held accountable. He set up a modern attorney general's office and a police investigation team. He also gave more control over the armed forces to civilians and improved the country's money situation.
Carlos Roberto Flores Facussé from the Liberal Party became president in 1998. Flores started changes to make the Honduran government and economy better. He focused on helping the poorest citizens while keeping the country financially healthy and improving its ability to compete globally. In October 1998, Hurricane Mitch hit Honduras hard. More than 7,000 people died, and 1.5 million lost their homes. The damage cost almost $3 billion.
Ricardo Rodolfo Maduro Joest from the National Party of Honduras won the 2001 presidential elections and took office in 2002. Maduro sent police and military forces to patrol neighborhoods and fight crime and gangs. He strongly supported the global fight against terrorism and sent 370 Honduran troops to Iraq for eleven months to join the U.S.-led group. Under Maduro, Honduras also made a trade deal called the Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement. It also got help with its debt and became the first Latin American country to sign a special agreement with the U.S. to help with development. He also worked to bring Central American countries closer together.
Jose Manuel "Mel" Zelaya Rosales from the Liberal Party won the November 27, 2005 presidential election. He won by less than 4%, which was the smallest difference ever in Honduran elections. Zelaya's campaign focused on "citizen power." He promised to make the government more open while keeping the economy stable. The Liberal Party won 62 out of 128 seats in Congress, just a few short of a full majority.
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Honduras and the Central American Situation
How Honduras Became Involved in Regional Issues
President Roberto Suazo Córdova took office when Central America was facing big political changes. The United States wanted to stop what it saw as pro-Soviet influences in the region. In El Salvador, a leftist group called the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) had been fighting for about two years. In Nicaragua, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) was making social changes that helped many poor people. Honduras, which didn't have many resources, lacked strong democratic traditions, and was located between these two countries, naturally got a lot of attention from Washington.
Suazo Córdova, a doctor from La Paz, was experienced in Honduran politics but not so much in international matters. At first, he wanted Honduras to stay neutral in the region. This reflected Honduras's history of not getting too involved in regional affairs. In his first speech, Suazo Córdova talked about self-determination and staying neutral.
In March 1982, Honduras proposed a peace plan to the Organization of American States (OAS). It suggested reducing weapons and foreign advisors in Central America, stopping arms trading, respecting borders, and having ongoing talks. However, other Central American countries, especially Nicaragua, didn't support this plan much.
Over time, the Suazo Córdova government started to see the FSLN government (called "Sandinistas") as a problem. They believed the Sandinistas were trying to cause trouble in Honduras. At the same time, the United States greatly increased its help to Honduras, both in military and economic aid.
Military Influence and Challenges to Stability
Brigadier General Gustavo Álvarez Martínez became the head of the armed forces in January 1982. He was very tough on the Sandinistas, saying Honduras was "in a war to the death" with Nicaragua. Some people also thought Álvarez used secret methods to watch people and deal with those he saw as threats.
A rival of Álvarez, Colonel Leónidas Torres Arias, accused Álvarez of running a personal "death squad" from Argentina. The Honduran Committee for the Defense of Human Rights reported more political disappearances, which seemed to support Torres's claims. While not as many as in El Salvador or Guatemala, this was a significant increase for Honduras, which had been peaceful before.
Álvarez's strong actions were criticized by foreign news and human rights groups. However, leftist groups in Honduras also became more active in the early 1980s. Many believed this was due to Sandinista support for groups like the PCH and others. These groups started with small bombings and moved on to kidnappings. In September 1983, a group of Nicaraguan-trained fighters crossed into Honduras but were quickly stopped by Honduran troops. Many died from hunger and cold.
The idea of a real leftist threat made General Álvarez more powerful in Honduras and the United States. The military's growing power over the new civilian government made people wonder if Honduras could truly become a democracy. Some saw Álvarez as another military leader, or caudillo, like those who had ruled Honduras for a long time.
Álvarez was also involved with a group called the Association for the Progress of Honduras (APROH), made up of businesspeople and political leaders. APROH wanted to attract foreign money and stop the growth of groups like labor unions. However, APROH accepting money from a controversial church caused problems for Álvarez.
By 1982, some people saw Honduras as being run by three main powers: General Álvarez, who made security rules; President Suazo, who supported Álvarez in exchange for military backing; and the United States government, which provided money and military help. The US military aid to Honduras jumped from $3.3 million in 1980 to $31.3 million in 1982, showing the military's growing role.
Álvarez strongly supported US policy in Central America. He helped form the Nicaraguan Resistance (known as the Contras), held large joint military exercises with the United States Armed Forces, and allowed US Special Forces to train Salvadoran troops in Honduras. This last action eventually led to Álvarez being removed from power in early 1984.
Another reason for Álvarez's removal was his attempt to change how the armed forces were led. He wanted to get rid of the traditional council of officers and replace it with a smaller group of senior officers loyal to him. This would have given him more power. However, many officers didn't like this. They also felt Álvarez was too close to the United States and was giving up too much of Honduras's independence. On March 31, 1984, a group of senior officers removed Álvarez from his position and sent him to Miami.
After Álvarez was removed, the armed forces became less involved in regional affairs and US policy. Air Force Brigadier General Walter López Reyes, the new commander, asked for more military aid in exchange for Honduras's cooperation. He also closed the training center for Salvadoran troops and reduced joint military exercises with the US.
By 1984, the Honduran military also started to pressure the US-backed Contra forces, who were operating from bases in Honduras. In January 1985, Honduras announced it planned to expel the Contras. While this was more talk than action, the Honduran military did take steps to pressure the Contras. They ordered the Contras to close a hospital and an office, and even stopped US officials from visiting a Contra training camp.
Honduras and the Nicaraguan Conflict
President Suazo Córdova had already expressed concerns to US President Reagan in 1983, asking if it was good for Honduras to be so closely linked to US interests if they received so little in return. Even though polls showed most Hondurans supported US policy, there was growing discomfort about Honduras hosting the Nicaraguan rebel forces.
At the peak of the conflict in the mid-1980s, Contra forces were estimated to be between 12,000 and 17,000 strong. This was almost as many as the entire Honduran armed forces. Because of this, and Honduras's close ties to the US, it was unlikely Honduras would force the Contras out. However, the idea of the Nicaraguan army winning against the Contras raised fears that a foreign armed force would be stuck in Honduras. Many Hondurans believed these Nicaraguans would turn to banditry to survive. Honduran politicians doubted the US would help them if things went wrong.
To balance the possibility of the US leaving the Nicaraguan conflict, the US greatly increased its military aid to Honduras. From 1975-1980, total aid was $16.3 million. From 1981-1985, it reached $169 million. The percentage of Honduras's military budget coming from the US grew from 7% in 1980 to 76% in 1985.
In March 1986, about 1,500 Nicaraguan troops crossed into Honduras and fought the Contras. The Nicaraguan troops then went back to Nicaragua without fighting Honduran forces. Honduran officials confirmed the event only after US spokespeople had highlighted it as proof of Nicaragua's aggressive plans. Soon after, the United States Congress approved $100 million in military aid for the Contras. More Nicaraguan incursions happened later, showing how connected the countries in Central America were.
The 1985 Elections and the Fight for Democracy
After General Álvarez was forced out in March 1984, President Suazo Córdova started to act more like a caudillo himself. Even though the constitution said he couldn't be reelected, Suazo Córdova tried to get his friend, Oscar Mejía Arellano, nominated for the 1985 election. Everyone knew Mejía would let Suazo keep control.
The key to Mejía winning was the supreme court of justice, which could decide an election if no candidate got a clear majority. At the start of 1985, the Supreme Court was full of Suazo Córdova's supporters. However, the National Congress of Honduras realized the constitution allowed them to remove Supreme Court justices for good reasons. So, on March 29, 1985, 53 out of 82 members of Congress voted to replace five of the nine justices due to alleged corruption. Five new justices quickly took their places.
Suazo Córdova was very angry and threatened to declare a state of emergency and close Congress. Although he didn't do that, troops surrounded the Congress building temporarily, and military police arrested the new Supreme Court president. Congress quickly responded by voting to criticize the president for his actions. They also passed a law to set rules for how political parties choose their candidates, which might have prevented the whole crisis. Suazo Córdova vetoed this law.
The military stepped in to help solve the crisis. They brought together representatives from the president and Congress for talks. By April 21, they reached an agreement. Congress took back their dismissal of the justices, and the Supreme Court president was freed. They agreed that all political groups could have candidates for president. The winner would be the candidate who got the most votes within the party that received the most total votes. This ignored the constitution's rule that the president needed a simple majority of the popular vote.
The unusual election rules caused delays. By November, four Liberal Party candidates, three National Party candidates, and others had registered. The main contest was between two Liberal Party candidates, Mejía and José Azcona del Hoyo, and the National Party's Rafael Leonardo Callejas Romero. The Liberal Party candidates often criticized each other more than their opponents.
The final vote count, announced on December 23, resulted in a president who had less than half of the total popular vote. Azcona was declared the winner with less than 30% of the vote, while Callejas had 44%. But because the Liberal Party candidates combined got 54%, Azcona became president. Callejas briefly protested but likely knew the military-brokered agreement would stand.
Azcona faced many national and regional problems when he became president on January 27, 1986. He spoke about the country's social problems and promised to follow foreign policies based on not interfering in other countries' affairs. His presidency looked challenging, partly because his party in Congress was divided. The Central American crisis also continued, posing a huge challenge for any Honduran leader.
Peace Efforts in Central America
The Contadora Peace Process
The problems in Central America in the 1980s attracted attention from many countries, including the United States, the Soviet Union, and other Latin American nations. The Contadora negotiating process, named after a Panamanian island where it started in January 1983, aimed to find a solution among the five Central American countries. Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, and Panama helped mediate these talks.
The negotiations were difficult and long. By mid-1985, they were stuck. Nicaragua refused to discuss making its government more democratic or having internal peace talks, seeing it as interference. Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Costa Rica said these points were needed for a lasting peace.
Another big disagreement was about stopping aid to rebel groups, especially US aid to the Contras. Nicaragua demanded that any treaty immediately stop Contra aid, while other countries thought this was less important. Nicaragua also didn't want to cut its military size, saying it needed to fight rebels and defend against a possible US invasion. To help, Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and Uruguay joined the process in July 1985 as a "support group."
Despite these efforts, the Contadora process mostly stopped in June 1986 because the Central American countries couldn't agree enough to sign a treaty. The US Congress approving military aid to the Contras that same month also hurt the process.
The Arias Peace Plan
The five Central American presidents kept trying to find a peace solution just among themselves. They met in May 1986 in Esquipulas, Guatemala, to work on their differences. This meeting led to a new peace process in early 1987, led by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sánchez. After talking with leaders from Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, and the United States, Arias announced his peace plan on February 15, 1987.
The plan called for:
- Talks between governments and opposition groups.
- Amnesty (forgiveness) for political prisoners.
- Cease-fires (stopping fighting) in ongoing conflicts.
- More democracy and free elections in all five countries.
- New talks on arms reduction and stopping outside aid to rebel groups.
Including Nicaragua in the talks was tricky. The first official meeting with Nicaragua happened in Tegucigalpa on July 31, 1987. This paved the way for a meeting of the five presidents in Esquipulas on August 6, 1987. The talks were direct, but they led to an agreement that many thought was impossible. The agreement, signed on August 7, called for stopping outside aid to rebel forces but allowed aid to government forces. Since Honduras was a democratic government without internal rebel problems, it could easily follow this agreement.
The Central American Peace Agreement, also called "Esquipulas II" or the "Arias Plan," required certain things to be done by November 5, 1987. These included giving amnesty, starting talks between governments and unarmed opposition, trying to negotiate cease-fires, stopping outside aid to rebels, not letting countries' land be used by groups trying to cause trouble, and ensuring fair democratic processes.
Nicaragua's progress in following the Arias Plan was mixed by late 1988, and the peace process seemed to slow down. Nicaragua did take some steps, like allowing an independent newspaper and a Catholic radio station to reopen. They also set up a national reconciliation committee and started cease-fire talks with the Contras. However, optimism faded by July, when the Nicaraguan government broke up a protest, expelled the US ambassador, and again shut down the newspaper and radio station.
Peace in Nicaragua
Talks continued among the Central American presidents to solve the conflicts in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Several meetings took place in 1989. On February 14, they agreed on a plan for Contra forces to disarm and return home within 90 days, in exchange for elections. Nicaraguan President Daniel José Ortega Saavedra agreed to hold an election in February 1990.
The Central American leaders made this agreement mostly without advice from the United States. Although the US was Honduras's main supporter, it slowly lost influence as the Esquipulas process continued. The US administration under George H. W. Bush (1989–1993) then turned to its strong connection with the Honduran armed forces. The Honduran military agreed that non-military aid to the Contras should continue despite the February agreement. President Azcona, reportedly convinced by the military, announced that humanitarian aid to the Contras would reduce the security threat to Honduras and would not break the February 1989 agreement.
The 90-day deadline proved too short. The presidents met again in Tela, Honduras, on August 5, 1989, again without US input. They set a new deadline of December 5, 1989, for the Contras to disarm. The Organization of American States (OAS) agreed to oversee this process. The Bush administration didn't approve of the new agreement, but the White House and US Congress agreed that aid to the Contras would stop if they didn't disband.
The December 5 deadline was also missed. The leaders scheduled another meeting. The location changed from Managua to San José, Costa Rica, after weapons were found in a crashed Nicaraguan plane in El Salvador. This caused tension. At one point, Azcona left a session because Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega refused to drop a lawsuit against Honduras regarding the Contras using Honduran land. The summit ended without an agreement, and the situation in Central America seemed uncertain again.
Events took an unexpected turn in the Nicaraguan elections of February 1990. Against most predictions, opposition candidate Violeta Barrios de Chamorro easily defeated Ortega. The FSLN learned that many Nicaraguans disliked their government's strict rule. The Contra conflict, which had troubled both Nicaragua and Honduras for years, slowly ended.
Although Honduran President Azcona started the process that led to the end of the Nicaraguan conflict, another president would be in office when the Contras left Honduras. The elections of November 26, 1989, were fair. The Liberal Party and National Party each nominated one candidate. Carlos Roberto Flores, a protégé of former president Suazo Córdova, won the Liberal Party nomination. He ran against Rafael Leonardo Callejas Romero, who had also lost in 1985. Callejas won convincingly, by 50.2% to 44.5%. This showed public unhappiness with the Liberal Party government's failure to improve the economy despite increased foreign aid. Callejas became the first opposition candidate to win an election in Honduras since 1932.
The 1990s in Honduras
The country's money problems grew during Callejas's last year in office. People were unhappy with the rising cost of living and widespread government corruption. This led voters in 1993 to elect Liberal Party candidate Carlos Roberto Reina with 56% of the vote. President Reina, who promised a "moral revolution," actively worked to stop corruption and ensure people responsible for unfair actions in the 1980s were held accountable. He created a modern attorney general's office and a police investigation team. He also gave more control over the armed forces to civilians and improved the country's financial health.
Liberal Carlos Roberto Flores Facussé took office in 1998. Flores started programs to reform and modernize the Honduran government and economy. He focused on helping Honduras's poorest citizens while keeping the country financially healthy and improving its ability to compete internationally. In October 1998, Hurricane Mitch caused huge damage in Honduras. More than 5,000 people died, and 1.5 million lost their homes. The total damage was almost $3 billion.
The 2000s in Honduras
Ricardo Maduro Joest from the National Party won the 2001 presidential elections and became president in 2002. Maduro's first action as president was to send joint police and military forces into the streets to increase patrols and fight crime and gangs. Maduro strongly supported the global fight against terrorism and sent 370 troops to Iraq for 11 months to join the U.S.-led group. Under President Maduro, Honduras also negotiated and approved the Dominican Republic – Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA). It received debt relief and became the first Latin American country to sign a special agreement with the U.S. to help with development. He also actively worked to bring Central American countries closer together.
Jose Manuel "Mel" Zelaya Rosales from the Liberal Party won the November 27, 2005 presidential elections by a small margin, less than 4%. This was the smallest difference in Honduran election history. The Liberal Party won 62 out of 128 seats in Congress, just short of a full majority.
Zelaya was removed from office by the military in June 2009. As a result, Honduras was temporarily removed from the OAS. On June 28, 2009, the military removed Zelaya and sent him to Costa Rica. Roberto Micheletti, the head of Congress, was appointed president. However, many countries continued to recognize Zelaya as the president and criticized the military's actions.
Honduras continued to be led by Micheletti's government under strong international pressure. On November 29, democratic general elections were held, and Pepe Lobo won.
The 2010s: New Leaders and Challenges
Porfirio "Pepe" Lobo Sosa became president on January 27, 2010. His government focused on getting international recognition for his presidency and getting Honduras back into the OAS.
After Lobo Sosa's term, Juan Orlando Hernández won the elections in 2013, defeating Xiomara Castro, who is the wife of former president Manuel Zelaya. During his first years, economic growth helped improve the main cities' infrastructure. However, joblessness and social unrest increased. He considered changing the constitution, which made many people angry. In 2015, the supreme court removed the limit on how many terms a president could serve. President Juan Orlando Hernández was reelected in the 2017 election.
The 2020s: A Historic Election
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In September 2020, Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández announced that Honduras would move its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Honduras became the third country, after the United States and Guatemala, to have its embassy in Jerusalem.
On November 28, 2021, former first lady Xiomara Castro, the leftist candidate from the opposition Liberty and Refoundation Party, won 53% of the votes in the presidential election. She became the first female president of Honduras. On January 27, 2022, Xiomara Castro was sworn in as president. Her husband, Manuel Zelaya, held the same office from 2006 to 2009.
