May Days facts for kids
Quick facts for kids Barcelona May Days |
|||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the Spanish Civil War & the Spanish Revolution | |||||||
|
|||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||
|
 CNT-FAI FIJL Friends of Durruti Group POUM |
||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| Variable | |||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 500–1,000 dead 1,500 wounded |
|||||||
The May Days, also known as the May Events, were a series of street fights. They happened in Barcelona, Spain, from May 3 to May 8, 1937. These clashes took place between different groups on the Republican side during the Spanish Civil War.
One side included groups like the anarchist CNT and the POUM. These groups wanted a big social revolution and less central government control. The other side included the official Republican government, the Catalan government, and the Communist Party of Spain. They believed in a strong central government to win the war first.
These events were the peak of a long disagreement. It was a conflict between the old government rules and the ongoing Spanish Revolution. This tension had been building since the Spanish Civil War began.
Contents
What Led to the May Days?
.jpg)
In July 1936, a military rebellion failed in Barcelona. After this, workers' groups took control of the city and most of Catalonia. The most powerful groups were the anarchist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT-FAI) and the socialist Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT).
After the rebellion, anarchist leaders met with Lluis Companys, the President of the Generalitat de Catalunya (Catalan government). They formed the Central Committee of Antifascist Militias of Catalonia. This committee became the real government of Barcelona and Catalonia. It included most parties from the Popular Front in Catalonia.
The official governments (Catalan and central) had lost much power. They watched as a revolution took place. Factories were taken over by workers. However, these worker-run factories often struggled to get loans from banks. The banks were controlled by communists and the government.
In October, the committee ended. Its members joined the Generalitat government. But revolutionary groups, like the "Control Patrols," kept operating freely. The Catalan government could not control them.
There was a lot of distrust between the government and workers' groups. There was also tension among the workers' groups themselves. Anarchists often disagreed with socialists, communists, and Catalan nationalists. Even communists had disagreements.
The Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC) followed the ideas of the Soviet Union. They believed the war should be won first, and then the revolution could happen. They supported the Second Spanish Republic. The PCE was the main communist party in Spain, and the PSUC was strong in Catalonia.
On the other side was the POUM (Workers' Party of Marxist Unification). This group strongly disagreed with Joseph Stalin's ideas. They believed the revolution should happen during the war. The anarchists agreed with the POUM on this point.
Tensions grew during the winter of 1937. The PCE started a campaign against the POUM in March. They accused POUM leaders of being secret Nazi agents. The POUM leaders became very worried.
In Barcelona, the "Control Patrols" continued to act without official control. They made arrests and sometimes killed people. Other anarchist groups took over properties. Josep Tarradellas, a key figure in the Catalan government, wanted to unite all security forces. He also wanted to stop the "Control Patrols."
On March 26, Tarradellas banned police from having political ties. He also demanded that all political groups hand over their weapons. Because of this, anarchists left the Catalan government. The crisis forced Companys to give in. Anarchists kept their weapons, and the Control Patrols stayed.
On April 25, a group of police (Carabineros) forced CNT patrols to give up control of the customs house in Puigcerdà. The Finance Minister, Juan Negrín, wanted to end the CNT's control over this important border crossing. Puigcerdà had become a place for spying and illegal activities. After a violent clash, the mayor and several men were killed. Negrín then took control of other border posts.
Police forces like the Guardia Nacional Republicana and the Guardia de Asalto were sent to other Catalan cities. They replaced CNT patrols. In Barcelona, people feared open fighting between anarchists/POUM and the government/communists. Both sides secretly gathered weapons and fortified their buildings.
A tense calm lasted for a week. May Day, a traditional celebration, was quiet. The UGT and CNT agreed to cancel their parades to avoid riots.
Who Was Fighting?
Three main groups were involved in the May Days. All groups wanted to win the war. However, some groups also had strong revolutionary goals.
The CNT, the Libertarian Youth, the POUM, and smaller groups like the Friends of Durruti Group wanted a revolution. For them, fighting in the war was about defending the revolution, not just the Republic.
The Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC) believed that winning the war had to come first. They thought a revolution during the war was not a good idea.
Other groups wanted to return to the old government rules. These included the Republican Government in Valencia and the Generalitat. They teamed up with the PSUC and the Republican Left of Catalonia.
A third group within the CNT wanted to stop the fighting between the two sides right away.
The PSUC, though not a rich-class party, offered a way to bring order. They wanted a stronger central government to replace local groups. To do this, they suggested a single, organized army. Writer George Orwell explained the PSUC's view:
Clinging on to the fragments of workers' control and parroting revolutionary aims is worse than useless: not only an obstacle but also counter-revolutionary, because it leads to divisions that fascists can use against us. At this stage we do not fight for the proletarian dictatorship [...].
Orwell also described the POUM's view, which many radical anarchists shared:
The workers' militias and police-forces must be preserved in their present form and every effort to "bourgeoisify" them must be resisted. If the workers do not control the armed forces, the armed forces will control the workers. The war and the revolution are inseparable.
The Events Unfold
Before the Main Clashes
Since the start of the Spanish Civil War, the telephone exchange building was controlled by a CNT-UGT workers' committee. This committee had taken over telephone companies in areas they controlled. A government office was also in the building, which was important for Catalan telephone calls.
On May 2, a government minister called the Generalitat from Valencia. An anarchist telephone operator replied that there was no government in Barcelona, only a Defense Committee. The government suspected anarchists were listening to their calls. Later that day, a call between two presidents was cut by an operator. The operator said the lines were needed for more important things. These incidents made the Republican authorities very suspicious.
Also on May 2, shots were exchanged between members of Estat Català and the FAI in Barcelona. One FAI member was killed.
May 3rd: The Spark Ignites
On May 3, about 200 police officers, led by Eusebio Rodríguez Salas, went to the Telefónica building. They wanted to take control of the censorship department on the second floor. The anarchists saw this as an attack. They believed Telefónica was legally theirs under a government order about worker control.
Rodríguez Salas had permission from a regional government official. But anarchist workers on the second floor started shooting. Salas called for help. More police arrived, along with two Control Patrols leaders. One of the leaders convinced the CNT workers to stop shooting. They gave up their weapons, but not before firing them out the windows.
A crowd gathered in Plaça Catalunya. People first thought anarchists had captured the police chief. Soon, the POUM, the Friends of Durruti Group, and the Libertarian Youth took positions. Within hours, all political parties brought out their hidden weapons and built barricades. From this small fight, battles spread across the city. Hundreds of barricades were built. Police units took over rooftops and church towers.
The PSUC and the government controlled the eastern parts of the Ramblas. Anarchists controlled the western parts and the suburbs. In the city centre, where many party offices were, shooting began. Cars were shot at. At the Telefónica building, a truce was made. Telephone calls, vital for the war, were not stopped. Police on the first floor even sent food to the anarchists on the upper floors. However, grenades were thrown from rooftops, damaging police cars.
Later that evening, POUM leaders suggested forming an alliance with Barcelona's anarchist leaders against the communists and the government. The anarchists immediately refused.
May 4th: Fighting Spreads
On May 4, Barcelona was mostly silent, except for gunshots. Shops and buildings were covered by barricades. Anarchist groups attacked police barracks and government buildings. The government and communist groups fired back. Most workers in Barcelona supported the anarchists. People feared a civil war within the Civil War.
At 11 AM, CNT leaders met and agreed to try to restore peace. Anarchist leaders Joan García Oliver and Federica Montseny spoke on the radio. They asked their followers to put down weapons and return to work. The director of the CNT newspaper, Jacinto Toryho, said the same. Anarchist ministers arrived in Barcelona. They included Mariano Rodríguez Vázquez, Pascual Tomás, and Carlos Hernández. None of them wanted a fight with the communists. President Francisco Largo Caballero also did not want to use force against the anarchists. Federica Montseny later said the riots surprised her and the other anarchist ministers.
On the Aragon front, anarchist soldiers started to march towards Barcelona. But when they heard García Oliver's radio message, they stayed in their positions. Other divisions also planned to march but stopped when threatened with bombing by the Republican Air Force.
By 5 PM, several anarchists were killed by police near Via Durruti. The POUM began to openly support the resistance. A well-known anarchist, Domingo Ascaso, was killed in a shooting that day. The Bolshevik-Leninist Section of Spain handed out leaflets on the barricades. They called for a "revolutionary offensive" and the disarmament of government police.
May 5th: Efforts to Stop the Fighting
Inside the Generalitat, Tarradellas and Companys still resisted the resignation of Artemi Ayguadé, which anarchists demanded. Finally, a deal was made. Companys achieved a fragile truce. To satisfy the anarchists, the Catalan government would resign. A new government would be formed without Ayguadé, including anarchists, ERC, PSUC, and Unió de Rabassaires.
However, uncontrolled shootings continued in Barcelona. At 9:30 AM, police attacked the doctors' union office and the FIJL headquarters. Anarchists said the government and Soviet interests were behind this attack on the revolution. The Friends of Durruti Group published leaflets. They demanded the release of an anarchist leader and asked people to resist. They even declared a "Revolutionary Junta" in Barcelona.
But the CNT-FAI and FIJL refused to join this group's plan. Around 5 PM, anarchist writers Camillo Berneri and Francesco Barbieri were arrested by police and PSUC members. Both were killed during their arrest.
The situation worsened when British warships arrived at the port. The POUM feared a bombing. The British were worried anarchists might take control and discussed evacuating foreign citizens. That night, Federica Montseny, a CNT minister, arrived to help mediate. The Communist Antonio Sesé was killed in a gunfight while on his way to a new government position.
Fighting also happened in Tarragona and other coastal towns. Police forced the CNT out of telephone exchanges there. Similar actions in Tortosa and Vic led to many anarchist deaths. That night, Companys and Prime Minister Francisco Largo Caballero spoke by phone. Companys accepted the Spanish government's help to restore order.
May 6th: Help Arrives
At dawn, the CNT again asked workers to return to work, but few did, mostly out of fear. In the afternoon, fighting started again. Several police officers died in a cinema after being shelled by a cannon. This cannon was brought from the coast by some members of the Libertarian Youth.
About 5,000 police, mostly Assault Guards, left Madrid and Valencia for Barcelona. Two Republican warships also arrived at Barcelona's port that night.
May 7th: Order Returns
At 8:20 AM, the Assault Guards reached Barcelona and took control of different parts of the city. Some came by road from Valencia, after stopping revolts in Tarragona and Reus. Local anarchists had bombed bridges and roads to try and stop them.
That day, the CNT again called for a return to work. They announced on the radio, "Down the barricades! Each citizen takes its paving stone! Let's return to normality!" The forces entering Barcelona were led by Lieutenant Colonel Emilio Torres, who was liked by anarchists. The CNT suggested his assignment to help bring back peace. In Barcelona, Tarragona, and other cities, Assault Guards disarmed and arrested many members of the CNT, FAI, Libertarian Youth, and POUM who had been involved in the riots.
May 8th: The End of the Clashes
On May 8, the streets returned to normal, with only a few small incidents. Barricades were removed. The unrest in Barcelona had finally ended. News reports at the time estimated that 500 people died and 1,000 were injured. The May Days also saw fighting in many other towns, especially in the provinces of Barcelona and Tarragona. These fights were also intense but ended with the defeat of the anarchists and Trotskyists.
The Consequences
The May Days had big and lasting effects. They showed that anarchists were not united, unlike in July 1936. A gap grew between anarchist ministers, who focused on winning the war, and younger anarchists, who wanted the revolution to succeed above all else. Even influential leaders lost control over their followers.
The crisis also showed that there could be no peace between communists and the POUM. The Catalan government (Generalitat) got back its old powers. It now included representatives from the UGT (a communist), the CNT (an anarchist), and ERC (a Catalan republican). Some people responsible for the killings were later tried, but only in Tarragona. They were sentenced to prison, not death.
The Catalan government, communists, and the central government seemed ready to work together against extreme groups, using force if needed. The new Director of Public Order in Barcelona quickly brought back normal legal processes. This made it easier for communists to act against the POUM.
The Republican authorities did not take strong action against the CNT and the FAI. This was because these groups still had great power and popular support. The POUM's situation was different. The government soon outlawed the party on June 16. Its main leaders, including Julián Gorkin and Andreu Nin, were arrested. The POUM would disappear. Anarchists would never play the same role in the war again.
Ultimately, these internal fights weakened the Republic. They made it harder for the Republican side to stay united against the rebels. Another result was the fall of the government led by Largo Caballero. The four anarchist ministers also left the government. It was a clear victory for communist influence and power among the Spanish Republicans.
See also
In Spanish: Jornadas de Mayo de 1937 para niños
- List of Spanish Republican military equipment of the Spanish Civil War
- Anarcho-syndicalism
