Confederación Nacional del Trabajo facts for kids
|
Confederación Nacional del Trabajo
|
|
 |
|
| Predecessor | Solidaridad Obrera |
|---|---|
| Founded | 30 October – 1 November 1910 |
| Headquarters | Bilbao, Spain – location changes with the secretary general |
| Location |
|
|
Key people
|
Antonio Díaz García, secretary general |
| Website | www.cnt.es |
The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (which means National Confederation of Labor), or CNT, is a Spanish group of labor unions. It follows ideas called anarcho-syndicalism. This means it believes workers should manage themselves and society without bosses or a strong government. The CNT was once part of the International Workers' Association (AIT) and was also known as CNT-AIT. It was also linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI), so it was sometimes called CNT-FAI. The CNT has played a big part in the workers' movement in Spain throughout history.
The CNT started in 1910 in Barcelona. It grew from groups that were part of a union called Solidaridad Obrera. The CNT helped spread anarchism in Spain, which had roots going back to 1870. Even though the CNT was banned in Spain for many years, it still works today to support workers. It focuses on ideas like workers managing their own workplaces, working together in a federal way (meaning local groups have power), and helping each other through mutual aid.
In 2016, the CNT left the AIT. This led to a new CNT group that stayed with the AIT, called CNT-AIT. In 2018, the CNT helped start a new international group called the International Confederation of Labor (ICL-CIT).
Contents
- What are the CNT's Goals?
- How is the CNT Organized?
- A Look at CNT's History
- Symbols and Culture
- See also
- Film
What are the CNT's Goals?
As a union, the CNT wants to "develop a sense of solidarity among workers." This means helping workers feel connected and support each other. They aim to make workers' lives better now and prepare them for a future where workers control the factories and farms. They also practice mutual aid, where CNT groups help each other. The CNT wants to work with other groups that also aim to free all workers.
The CNT also cares about bigger changes in society. It wants to change society completely through revolutionary syndicalism (a type of unionism focused on social change). To reach their goal of a social revolution, the CNT has ideas for how an anarchist society could be organized. These ideas are called "anarchist communism." The CNT gets its inspiration from anarchist ideas and supports different social movements. The CNT believes in internationalism (working together across countries) but also supports communities' right to make their own decisions and be free from a powerful government.
How is the CNT Organized?
The CNT's structure is based on direct democracy. This means decisions are made directly by the members, not by a few leaders.
How Does the CNT Make Decisions?
The CNT organizes itself from the bottom up, not top-down like many other groups. This is to make sure no single person or small group has too much power.
Union Basics: Industrial and Various Posts Unions
The main parts of the CNT are the industrial unions. These groups bring together workers from different jobs within the same industry. If there are fewer than 25 workers in one industry, they form a "various posts union." This union can include workers from different jobs and industries. It needs at least five people. If there are fewer than five, they form a "confederal group." Because the CNT is not huge, most of its unions are "various posts unions."
Decisions in these unions are made by all members in a meeting called a "union assembly." They use consensus, meaning everyone agrees on a decision, or they keep discussing until they do. These meetings can talk about any issue, from local to international.
Union Sections
Union sections are groups of CNT workers who work at the same company or small business. They choose a small group to represent them in meetings, but this group cannot make decisions for the whole section.
Committees and Secretaryships
The union assembly chooses a committee to handle daily tasks and paperwork. This committee does not make big decisions. Committees can have different roles, like propaganda, press, money, legal help, and general secretary. The number of these roles can change.
Federations and Confederations
The CNT is organized like a pyramid, but upside down! It starts with local groups and builds up.
Local and Comarcal Federations
All the unions in one town or city form a local federation. They have a local committee that works like the union committees. This committee is chosen in a local meeting where each union sends representatives. The CNT has local federations in big cities like Madrid and Barcelona. Unions in nearby towns can also group together into a comarcal federation.
Regional Confederations
A regional confederation brings together several local unions in a larger area, like a state or province. They also have a regional committee with a general secretary. This committee is chosen in a regional meeting where local unions send representatives.
National Confederation
Regional confederations send representatives to a national meeting, which forms the national confederation. This national meeting chooses a national general secretary. The CNT's main office moves to wherever the general secretary lives, so it doesn't have a fixed headquarters. The general secretary and other secretaries form the National Committee. Like all committees in the CNT, they handle technical and administrative tasks, but they don't make decisions for everyone.
Congress of the CNT
The CNT Congress is a big meeting where representatives from all the industrial and various posts unions come together. They bring ideas and agreements from their own union meetings. The Congress decides the CNT's main goals and can choose new National Committees. Since the CNT started in 1910, there have been nine congresses.
Plenarias and Plenary Assemblies
Meetings of the different committees (local, regional, national) are called plenarias. These meetings are for technical and administrative tasks, not for making big decisions. Big decisions are made in local and regional plenary assemblies, and in congresses, where all unions send representatives with their ideas.
Industry Federations
Industry federations are organized by the type of work, not by location. For example, all CNT unions in the metal industry would form a national metal industry federation. These federations can make decisions about issues in their specific industry. They can send representatives to national and regional confederations, but these representatives can speak, not vote.
How the CNT Works with the ICL
The International Confederation of Labour (ICL), started in 2018, is a group of unions from different countries. The CNT is the Spanish part of the ICL.
CNT Media
The CNT has its own newspaper called CNT or Periódico CNT. It works independently. Its leaders are chosen in a congress or national meeting. The newspaper is published monthly and is available in print and online.
Many CNT groups and unions also have their own media. Solidaridad Obrera is the newspaper for the CNT in Catalonia and is the oldest CNT publication, started in 1907. The Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation, created in 1987, helps manage the CNT's history, publishes books, and organizes cultural events.
How the CNT Votes
The CNT usually tries to make decisions by consensus, where everyone agrees. They believe this fits their anarchist ideas better. For smaller unions, consensus works well. But for larger groups, they sometimes need to vote. When they do, it's always an open vote by showing hands.
| Size of union | Votes | |
|---|---|---|
| From | To | |
| 1 | 50 | 1 |
| 51 | 100 | 2 |
| 101 | 300 | 3 |
| 301 | 600 | 4 |
| 601 | 1,000 | 5 |
| 1,001 | 1,500 | 6 |
| 1,501 | 2,500 | 7 |
| 2,501 | more | 8 |
The CNT uses a system of limited proportional voting to try and make voting fair, even though it's hard to make it perfectly fair. For example, a small union might have more votes per member than a very large one. But the CNT believes that long discussions help everyone reach a consensus, so the final decisions often reflect what most people want.
How the CNT Acts
The CNT is based on three main ideas: workers' self-management (workers running things themselves), federalism (local groups having power), and mutual aid (helping each other). The CNT believes that problems between employers and employees should be solved directly by them, without government help or professional union leaders. This is why they don't take part in official union elections or works councils. Instead, they prefer workers' assemblies and direct action (like strikes or protests). They also try to avoid going to court.
People who hold administrative jobs in the union are not paid and their roles are rotated. The CNT prefers that everyone's pay increases by the same amount, not by a percentage, to make salaries more equal.
Common ways the CNT takes action include holding up banners outside companies they have problems with, asking people to stop buying products from those companies, and showing solidarity with workers who are being treated unfairly. During strikes, they create funds to help striking workers and their families.
The CNT is organized around craft unions (unions for specific types of skilled workers). This started around 1918 during a time of strong class struggle in Spain.
A Look at CNT's History
The Early Years
In the early 1900s, anarchists in Spain felt they needed a strong national organization. The CNT was founded in 1910 in Barcelona. Its goal was to be a strong alternative to the existing socialist union, the UGT, and to help workers gain economic freedom. The CNT started small, with about 26,571 members.
In 1911, the CNT held its first congress and started a general strike. This led a judge in Barcelona to declare the union illegal until 1914. In 1911, the union officially got its name.
In 1916, the CNT started working more closely with the UGT, and together they launched the general strike of 1917. In 1919, the CNT considered joining the Third International but decided against it in 1922 after a visit to the Soviet Union.
Peak of the CNT
The CNT grew much stronger from 1918 onwards. Employers became worried, and some used violence against union members, leading to a cycle of conflict. The CNT played a key role in the La Canadiense general strike in 1919, which stopped 70% of industry in Catalonia. The government eventually met the striking workers' demands, including an eight-hour day. In 1919, the CNT had 700,000 members.
In 1922, the International Workingmen's Association was founded, and the CNT joined right away. However, the next year, when Miguel Primo de Rivera became dictator, the union was banned again.
In 1927, the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) was created in Valencia. The FAI was a group of anarchist "affinity groups" (small, close-knit groups). The FAI influenced the CNT to stay true to its anarchist principles.
The Second Republic
When the monarchy fell in 1931 and the Second Republic began, the CNT gave it little support. This support decreased over time because the CNT often clashed with the government during general strikes. The CNT was strongest in Catalonia but also grew in other areas like Andalusia and Aragon.
There were often disagreements between the more radical FAI members and more moderate CNT members. In 1931, some moderates published the Manifesto of the Thirty, and in 1932, Ángel Pestaña left the CNT to form the Syndicalist Party.
The CNT organized several revolutionary strikes. In January 1932, a strike in Alt Llobregat, Catalonia, saw workers take control of streets and declare "libertarian communism." The government quickly stopped it, arresting and deporting many workers. In January 1933, another revolution by the CNT spread across Spain, especially in Andalusia. It was also stopped with violence, including the famous Casas Viejas incident where police killed peasants. A third CNT uprising happened in December 1933 after elections, mainly in Aragon and La Rioja, but it also failed.
During the next two years, the CNT mostly operated secretly because of government repression. In the socialist Revolution of October 1934, the CNT in Asturias, León, and Palencia actively participated, working with other worker groups. In some places, like La Felguera, they briefly tried out anarchist communism, where wealth was shared and authority was abolished.
By 1934, CNT membership reached 1.58 million. About 30,000 people were imprisoned during this time. In 1935, the CNT and UGT worked together on a successful strike in Zaragoza.
Before the 1936 elections, the CNT was divided on whether to vote. Some wanted to abstain, others wanted workers to choose, and some even suggested voting for the Popular Front because it promised to free prisoners. The Popular Front's growth was partly due to anarchist votes.
In May 1936, the CNT held a congress in Saragossa. They decided not to make deals with any political party, even though the UGT leader tried to get them to unite. In June, the CNT and UGT called a strike of building workers. This led to clashes with the Falange (a fascist group) and police. The government closed CNT offices in Madrid and arrested some CNT members.
The Civil War
The CNT in 1936
In 1936, the CNT became legal again and stayed legal until the end of the Civil War. During the war, the union worked with other groups fighting against the Nationalists. Some CNT members even joined the government, holding important positions. In Barcelona, anarchists managed most of the city's services, taking control of many businesses.
In Aragon, where the CNT was strong, defense committees replaced old city councils. Land was collectivized (managed by the community) with great success, especially land from those who had fled. People who wanted to keep their land could, but they couldn't hire outside their families. Any land they couldn't farm went to community control.
Important collectivized communities were in places like Alcañiz and Fraga. Not only land, but also hospitals and schools were collectivized. The Regional Defence Council of Aragon was created to protect this new rural organization, even though the CNT National Committee in Catalonia was against it.
When Francisco Largo Caballero became Prime Minister, he invited the CNT to join the government. The CNT suggested a National Defense Council instead, with members from the CNT, UGT, and other groups. When this was refused, the CNT decided not to join the national government. However, in Catalonia, the CNT did join the Central Committee of the Anti-Fascist Militias and later the Generalitat (Catalan government). For the first time, three CNT members were part of a government.
In November, the CNT finally joined the national government, getting four ministries: health, justice, industry, and commerce. Federica Montseny became the first female minister in Spain, as Minister of Health. Juan García Oliver, as justice minister, removed legal fees and destroyed criminal records.
In December 1936, the government approved the formation of the National Defense Committee, a revolutionary body that included anarchists, socialists, and republicans.
The CNT in 1937
In February 1937, a congress in Caspe created the Regional Federation of Collectives of Aragon. Over 141,000 collective members were represented.
In March 1937, the CNT national committee tried to remove the Aragonese Regional Council, but the Aragonese committee threatened to resign, stopping the effort. Conflicts between the CNT-FAI and the Communists grew. In Madrid, a CNT member who was director of prisons accused a Communist official of having secret prisons for anarchists and others. This led to the dissolution of the Communist-controlled Junta de Defensa.
In Catalonia, the Communists in the government demanded that all weapons be given to the government, which angered the anarchists. On May 3, 1937, government forces tried to take over the CNT-controlled telephone exchange building in Barcelona, leading to fighting. The CNT declared a general strike and controlled most of the city. After appeals from CNT leaders to stop the fighting, the government agreed to remove its forces and not punish libertarians, in exchange for the removal of barricades and the end of the strike. However, fighting continued, and the government carried out harsh actions against anarchists.
These events led to the fall of Largo Caballero's government and the new prime ministership of Juan Negrín. Much of what the CNT had achieved after the war started began to collapse. In August 1937, the Republican government dismissed the Regional Council for the Defense of Aragon. Troops were sent to break up the collectives run by the CNT-UGT, destroying CNT offices and redistributing equipment to landowners. The CNT leadership did not condemn these actions, causing conflict with its members.
The CNT in 1938–1939
In April 1938, Segundo Blanco, a CNT member, became minister of education in Juan Negrín's government. By this point, he was the only CNT member left in the cabinet. Many CNT leaders criticized this participation, seeing the government as controlled by Communists. However, Blanco did help other CNT members get positions in the ministry and stopped the spread of Communist ideas there.
In March 1939, as the war was ending, CNT leaders took part in a coup by the National Defense Council that overthrew Negrín's government. They tried to make peace with General Francisco Franco, but he gave them almost none of their demands.
The CNT During the Francoist Dictatorship
In 1939, a new law banned the CNT and took away all its property. At that time, the CNT had a million members and a large network. It is estimated that about 160,000–180,000 CNT members were killed by the Franco government.
The CNT operated secretly inside Spain during Franco's rule and also from exile. Some members continued fighting Franco's government until 1948 through guerrilla actions. There were many disagreements among CNT groups during these years.
In January 1960, the Libertarian Movement in Exile (MLE) was formed by the CNT, FAI, and FIJL. In 1961, a group called Sección Defensa Interior (DI) was created, partly funded by the CNT, with one of its goals being to assassinate Franco.
These disagreements and Franco's harsh rule weakened the CNT. However, it started to regain strength in the 1960s and 1970s, partly by influencing Catholic worker groups that opposed Franco.
During the "Transition"
.JPG)
After Franco's death in November 1975 and the start of Spain's move to democracy, the CNT was the only social movement that refused to sign the 1977 Moncloa Pact. This was an agreement among politicians and unions on how to manage the economy. In 1979, the CNT held its first congress since 1936. In this congress, they decided on their future actions: no participation in union elections, no money from the state, no recognition of works councils, and support for union sections.
At this congress, a small group that wanted to take part in union elections split from the CNT. They first called themselves CNT Valencia Congress and later Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) after a court ruled they couldn't use the CNT name. In 1990, some CGT members left to form Solidaridad Obrera because they disagreed with accepting government money.
In 1978, the Scala Case affected the CNT. An explosion in a Barcelona nightclub killed three people. Authorities blamed striking workers and arrested CNT members, trying to make the organization look bad. CNT members said the police wanted to criminalize their group.
After it became legal again, the CNT tried to get back the property that was taken from it in 1939. A law in 1986 said that seized properties should be returned. The CNT has been asking the state to return these properties ever since.
In 1996, 105 CNT members occupied the Economic and Social Council building in Madrid, which handles the return of union property. In 2004, an agreement was reached, and all charges against the CNT members were dropped.
Current Status
The exact number of CNT members today is not known. The regions with the most CNT members are Madrid and its surroundings, the Basque Country, Andalusia, Catalonia, and the Balearic Islands.
The CNT still opposes union elections and workplace committees. It is critical of recent labor reforms and other unions like the UGT and CCOO. Instead, it focuses on reivindicación (demanding what is due) and social revolution.
Symbols and Culture
.jpg)
The CNT wants to make free knowledge and culture available to workers. It has done this by supporting anarchist academies. The School of Anarchist Militants, for example, used anarchist teaching methods to help young people learn and take responsibility. The Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation helps manage the CNT's history, publishes books, and organizes events. Some CNT groups have also supported and promoted Esperanto, an international language.
The CNT's flag is the traditional flag of anarcho-syndicalism. It combines the red color of the labor movement and the black color of anarchism. This shows its international focus and its rejection of nationalism.
The CNT's anthem is A las barricadas (To the Barricades). It was written by a Polish poet in 1883 and given Spanish lyrics in 1933.
During the Spanish Civil War, the CNT issued its own postage stamps, movie tickets, and posters. These items show how the CNT managed companies that were collectivized during the Spanish Revolution of 1936.
The famous photograph "Death of a Loyalist Soldier" by Robert Capa shows the death of a militiaman named Federico Borrell García during the Spanish Civil War. This image has become a powerful symbol of the war.
In 1936, the film industry was collectivized and produced short films. The CNT has also been shown in recent Spanish films, like Vicente Aranda's Libertarias (1996), which shows a group of militia members during the Spanish Civil War.
See also
In Spanish: Confederación Nacional del Trabajo para niños
- 1926 Spanish coup d'état
- 1929 Spanish coup d'état
- Labor movement in Spain
Film
- Living Utopia Anarchism/Anarcho-Syndicalism in Spain from around 1880–1940 Documentary by Juan Gamero, (1997).
|
