Hugh Gaitskell facts for kids

Quick facts for kids The Right Honourable Hugh Gaitskell CBE
Gaitskell in 1961
Leader of the Opposition
In office 14 December 1955 – 18 January 1963
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Prime Minister	Anthony Eden Harold Macmillan
Preceded by	Herbert Morrison
Succeeded by	George Brown
Leader of the Labour Party
In office 14 December 1955 – 18 January 1963
Deputy	Jim Griffiths Aneurin Bevan George Brown
Preceded by	Clement Attlee
Succeeded by	Harold Wilson
Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer
In office 26 October 1951 – 14 December 1955
Leader	Clement Attlee
Preceded by	Rab Butler
Succeeded by	Harold Wilson
Chancellor of the Exchequer
In office 19 October 1950 – 26 October 1951
Prime Minister	Clement Attlee
Preceded by	Stafford Cripps
Succeeded by	Rab Butler
Minister of Fuel and Power
In office 24 October 1947 – 15 February 1950
Prime Minister	Clement Attlee
Preceded by	Manny Shinwell
Succeeded by	Philip Noel-Baker
Member of Parliament for Leeds South
In office 5 July 1945 – 18 January 1963
Preceded by	Henry Charleton
Succeeded by	Merlyn Rees
Personal details
Born	Hugh Todd Naylor Gaitskell (1906-04-09)9 April 1906 London, England
Died	18 January 1963(1963-01-18) (aged 56) London, England
Resting place	St John-at-Hampstead, London
Political party	Labour
Spouse	Anna Dora Creditor ​ (m. 1937)​
Alma mater	New College, Oxford

Hugh Todd Naylor Gaitskell (9 April 1906 – 18 January 1963) was an important British politician. He led the Labour Party and was the Leader of the Opposition from 1955 until he passed away in 1963.

Before becoming a politician, he taught economics and worked for the government during World War II. He was elected to Parliament in 1945. He held several important jobs in Clement Attlee's government. These included Minister of Fuel and Power, which was a big job after a very cold winter in 1946–47. He later became Chancellor of the Exchequer, a top financial role in the government.

In 1951, he decided to charge for things like dentures and glasses on the National Health Service (NHS) to help pay for military spending. This caused a famous Labour politician, Aneurin Bevan, to resign from the government.

Some people thought Gaitskell's ideas were similar to those of the Conservative Party's financial leader, Rab Butler. This idea was jokingly called "Butskellism." It showed that both major parties generally agreed on how to run the country after the war, until the 1970s.

After Labour lost power in 1951, Gaitskell became the leader of the Labour Party in 1955. He won against Bevan and his supporters. In 1956, he disagreed with the government's military action during the Suez Crisis. He led Labour to lose the 1959 general election, their third loss in a row.

In the late 1950s, Gaitskell tried to change a part of the Labour Party's rule book, Clause IV. This rule committed the party to taking over all industries. He didn't want to get rid of public ownership completely. But he believed that goals like freedom, social welfare, and equality could be achieved through government policies within a mixed economy (where both private and public businesses exist). His ideas were sometimes called Gaitskellism.

Even with this challenge, Gaitskell successfully stopped the Labour Party from adopting a policy of getting rid of all nuclear weapons on their own. He also opposed Prime Minister Harold Macmillan's plan for the UK to join the European Economic Community (EEC), also known as the Common Market. He was a strong leader who spoke his mind. He died suddenly in 1963. Many believed he was close to leading Labour back into power and becoming the next Prime Minister.

Early Life and Education

Hugh Gaitskell was born in Kensington, London, on April 9, 1906. He was the youngest of three children. His father, Arthur Gaitskell, worked for the Indian Civil Service. His mother, Adelaide Mary, was the daughter of a consul-general in Shanghai. As a child, he was known as "Sam." His family had a long history with the Indian Army, and he spent some of his childhood in Burma. After his father died, his mother remarried and returned to Burma, leaving Hugh at boarding school.

Gaitskell went to the Dragon School from 1912 to 1919. He was friends with the future poet John Betjeman there. He then attended Winchester College from 1919 to 1924.

He studied at New College, Oxford, from 1924 to 1927. His teacher, G. D. H. Cole, influenced him to become a socialist. Gaitskell wrote an essay about Chartism, which was a working-class movement. He argued that the working class needed leadership from the middle class.

His first involvement in politics was during the General Strike of 1926. Most students supported the government, but Gaitskell supported the striking workers. He drove people who gave speeches and delivered the trade union newspaper. After the strike ended, Gaitskell spent six more months raising money for the miners. He graduated in 1927 with a top degree in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics.

Academic and Early Political Career

From 1927 to 1928, Gaitskell taught economics to miners in Nottinghamshire. This was his first time working closely with the working class. He later became less supportive of some early socialist ideas.

In the early 1930s, Gaitskell moved to University College London (UCL) to teach. In 1934, he joined a club for Labour Party financial experts. He became a close friend and student of Hugh Dalton, another important Labour politician.

In 1934, Gaitskell was in Vienna, Austria, on a scholarship. He saw how the government there suppressed the social democratic workers' movement. This experience made him strongly dislike conservative politics. It also made him believe that some older socialist ideas were not practical. This led him to become a "revisionist" socialist, meaning he wanted to update socialist ideas.

He ran for Parliament in Chatham in the 1935 general election but did not win. Gaitskell helped write Labour's "Immediate Programme" in 1937. This plan focused on government planning for the economy. Dalton helped him become the candidate for South Leeds in 1937. If World War II hadn't happened, he likely would have become an MP by 1940.

Gaitskell became the head of the Department of Political Economy at UCL in 1938. He was against the appeasement of Nazi Germany and supported Britain preparing for war.

Wartime Government Work and Election to Parliament

During the Second World War, starting in May 1940, Gaitskell worked as a senior civil servant for the Ministry of Economic Warfare. This gave him valuable experience in how the government worked. He became a trusted advisor to Hugh Dalton. Observers noted how much Gaitskell enjoyed having influence.

In February 1942, Gaitskell moved to the Board of Trade. Here, he met leaders of miners' unions, who would later support him in his political struggles. For his service during the war, he was awarded the Order of the British Empire in 1945.

In March 1945, Gaitskell had a heart attack due to overwork. He thought about withdrawing from running for Parliament in Leeds, but his local supporters encouraged him to stay. He was also offered a professorship at UCL after the war. However, he preferred public life to academic work.

Gaitskell was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Leeds South in Labour's big victory in the 1945 general election. Even though he was ill, he was considered for a junior minister role right away. This was a rare honor for a new MP.

As a new MP, he supported Dalton's plan to nationalize the Bank of England. This meant the government would take control of the bank.

Minister of Fuel and Power

In May 1946, Gaitskell received his first government job. He became the Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Fuel and Power, working under Manny Shinwell. He played a key role in passing the law that nationalized the coal industry.

During the severe fuel crisis in February 1947, Shinwell had ignored Gaitskell's warnings. Gaitskell was then put in charge of a committee that decided where coal should be sent. In 1947, he also helped pass the law that nationalized the electricity industry.

On October 7, 1947, Gaitskell was promoted to Minister of Fuel and Power. He was not yet a full member of the Cabinet, but he often attended meetings. He became unpopular when he stopped giving private car owners a basic petrol allowance. However, he encouraged the building of oil refineries, which was an important decision for the future.

Working in the Treasury

Devaluation of the Pound

In 1949, Gaitskell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Stafford Cripps, worried that government officials were not doing enough to support socialist policies. They believed in keeping interest rates low.

Cripps became very ill and had to go away to recover. Prime Minister Attlee put Gaitskell in charge of financial matters, along with Harold Wilson and Douglas Jay. Gaitskell quickly became the leader of this group.

The young ministers believed that the Pound sterling (British money) needed to be devalued. This meant making it worth less compared to other currencies like the US dollar. They thought this would help stop money from leaving the UK and encourage other countries to buy British goods. Gaitskell, Jay, and Wilson met with the Prime Minister to explain that devaluation was necessary.

Cripps returned in August and agreed to the devaluation. The decision was made secretly by the Cabinet. On September 18, the pound was devalued from $4.03 to $2.80. Many other countries also devalued their money. This mainly affected Britain's trade with countries that used dollars.

Gaitskell had initially been unsure about devaluation because it was a "price mechanism." But he earned the respect of financial experts during this crisis. He agreed that government spending cuts were needed to make devaluation work. Cripps threatened to resign if cuts of £300 million were not agreed upon. Most of these cuts were to future spending plans.

Minister for Economic Affairs

In January 1950, Gaitskell wrote a paper about economic controls. He believed Britain had gone far enough in opening up its economy for political reasons, especially to please the US and Europe. He was against making currencies fully convertible, as he thought it might stop governments from protecting full employment.

After the February 1950 General Election, Labour won with a very small majority. Gaitskell was appointed Minister for Economic Affairs. This meant he was effectively the Deputy Chancellor, but still not in the Cabinet. He became a full member of the Economic Policy Committee.

The cost of the new NHS was much higher than expected. In 1949, Bevan had passed a law allowing the government to charge for prescriptions, though this wasn't put into practice yet. In early 1950, Cripps backed down from a plan to introduce charges for false teeth and spectacles after Bevan threatened to resign. But Gaitskell was put on a committee to monitor Bevan's agreement to limit NHS spending.

There was already tension between Gaitskell and Bevan. Bevan once called Gaitskell "nothing, nothing, nothing."

Rearmament and European Payments Union

By late 1950, many Western countries were increasing their military spending. This was because of the Korean War and fears that the Soviet Union might invade Western Europe. In August 1950, Britain's defense budget was greatly increased.

In September 1950, the TUC (a group of trade unions) voted to end a two-year wage freeze. This made it harder for the government to control inflation.

Gaitskell believed that problems with the balance of payments (the difference between what a country earns and spends abroad) should be solved by asking rich countries like the US to increase their own spending. In September 1950, Gaitskell helped Britain join the European Payments Union. This made it easier for European countries to trade with each other without needing US dollars.

Although Gaitskell had thought Bevan would be a future Labour leader, by the 1950 Labour Party Conference, people guessed they were already fighting for the future leadership.

Becoming Chancellor

Cripps's health continued to worsen, and he wanted to resign as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He tried to resign in the summer of 1950 but was persuaded to stay because of the Korean War. He went on a long holiday, leaving Gaitskell in charge.

It became clear that the US Congress was not keen to help Britain pay for its rearmament. Gaitskell visited Washington in October 1950. He warned that the cost of goods Britain imported was rising, while the price of its exports was falling.

In October 1950, Cripps finally resigned. Dalton suggested Gaitskell for the job. Gaitskell was appointed Chancellor at the young age of 44. Most of Attlee's Cabinet members were in their sixties or older. As Chancellor, he kept the same control over economic planning that Cripps had.

Bevan was very angry that Gaitskell was promoted over him. Gaitskell noted in his diary that Bevan often claimed Cripps had promised him the Chancellor job.

The US military wanted Britain to increase its defense budget even more. Prime Minister Attlee announced in January 1951 that the defense budget would be significantly increased over the next three years. This meant defense spending would rise from 8% to 14% of Britain's total economic output.

Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1950–51

Economic Ideas

When he became Chancellor, Gaitskell told his private secretary that his main goal was to redistribute wealth.

Some experts later said that Gaitskell was one of the most skilled Chancellors of the 20th century. However, he sometimes focused too much on small details and held very long meetings. He was a strong believer in government controls and planning.

In December 1950, Gaitskell rejected advice to raise interest rates. He called this policy "completely old-fashioned."

Cost of Rearmament

Marshall Aid, which was financial help from the US, officially ended on January 1, 1951. It was believed that Britain's economy was strong enough without it. Harold Wilson and George Strauss warned Gaitskell that the rearmament program was too much for Britain's limited raw materials and factories. But Gaitskell ignored them because they were friends with Bevan.

On January 27, 1951, Bevan was moved to the Ministry of Labour. The Ministry of Health was downgraded. Gaitskell was happy about these changes, as he saw them as making it easier to save money on health spending.

Bevan gave a speech on February 15, 1951, supporting the extra money for arms. But he also warned against rearming too quickly. Gaitskell wrote in his diary that Bevan was a "difficult team worker" and "unreliable."

Budget Decisions

Gaitskell made a controversial decision in his spring 1951 budget. He introduced charges for prescription glasses and dentures on the National Health Service. The Cabinet had agreed to these charges in February 1951. Bevan wanted £422 million for health spending, but Gaitskell would only allow £400 million. Gaitskell wanted people to pay half the cost of false teeth and spectacles. Children, the poor, and the sick would not have to pay.

In addition, taxes were increased on luxury items like cars and televisions. Entertainment tax on cinema tickets also went up. However, taxes on company profits were raised, and pensions were increased to help retirees with the rising cost of living. Allowances for children and married couples were also increased. Gaitskell actually increased NHS spending overall. The budget also significantly increased defense spending.

Prime Minister Attlee thought the budget would not be popular. Gaitskell replied that he couldn't expect popularity in a year focused on rearmament. Ernest Bevin did not like the idea of health charges and tried to find a compromise. Attlee also tried to negotiate from his hospital bed, but it didn't work. Gaitskell was determined that there would not be unlimited spending on welfare at the expense of economic investment or rearmament. He threatened to resign if the Cabinet did not support him.

Bevan's Resignation

Gaitskell and Attlee warned that the rearmament program might not be fully carried out. Gaitskell pointed out the shortage of machine tools.

Bevan was very angry about the charges. He saw them as a blow to the idea of a free health service. He publicly said he would resign rather than accept the charges. Gaitskell saw this as Bevan trying to force the Cabinet's hand. He told Dalton that Bevan's influence was "very much exaggerated."

In two long Cabinet meetings on April 9, Bevan was only supported by Harold Wilson. Herbert Morrison suggested a compromise: a spending limit but no NHS charges. Gaitskell refused, arguing that two ministers should not dictate to the rest of the Cabinet. Gaitskell again threatened to resign if he didn't have the Cabinet's support. This would have caused a major political crisis.

Gaitskell won the admiration of Treasury officials for his firm stance. His budget was praised at the time. His predecessor, Stafford Cripps, wrote to him, praising him for not giving in to "political convenience." Two younger MPs, Roy Jenkins and Anthony Crosland, also supported him publicly.

However, Bevan resigned on April 21, along with Harold Wilson and John Freeman. Bevan's ally Michael Foot wrote an article comparing Gaitskell to a Chancellor who had caused the downfall of a Labour government in 1931.

Gaitskell defended his budget at a meeting of Labour MPs on April 24. He said it was too early to tell if the rearmament program was achievable. Tony Benn noted Gaitskell's "intellectual ability and political forcefulness." Bevan then gave an angry speech, which did not impress many MPs.

Aftermath

Britain's balance of payments went from a surplus in 1950 to a large deficit in 1951. This was partly because businesses focused on rearmament instead of exports. Also, the cost of imported goods rose, and the price of British exports fell. By late 1951, inflation was increasing, and unemployment was very low, showing the economy was overheating.

Gaitskell again rejected advice to raise interest rates to cool the economy. He thought higher interest rates would be seen as benefiting banks, which trade unions would dislike. By August–September 1951, Britain faced a major financial crisis.

Gaitskell visited Washington in the autumn of 1951. He was surprised when Attlee called an election on September 19, 1951, while he and Morrison were in North America. Labour lost the October 1951 General Election, even though they received more votes than the Conservatives. Some blamed Bevan for causing a split in the party. No one expected Labour to be out of power for long.

When the Conservatives took power, the new Chancellor, Rab Butler, improved the balance of payments by cutting overseas spending.

Opposition: The Bevanite Split (1951–55)

Early Years in Opposition

While in opposition, Gaitskell's home became a hub for political discussions. This period was marked by disagreements between the "Bevanite" left wing of the Labour Party, led by Aneurin Bevan, and the "Gaitskellite" right wing, led by Gaitskell.

In February 1952, Bevan led 56 Labour MPs to vote against the Conservatives' defense spending plans. Dalton noted that Gaitskell wanted a confrontation with Bevan. Bevan believed Gaitskell should have a much smaller role in the next Labour government.

At the 1952 Labour Party Conference, there was a lot of anger and division. Left-wing motions were passed, and Bevan's supporters gained control of a key committee.

In a speech on October 5, 1952, Gaitskell claimed that "about one-sixth" of the local party delegates were "Communist or Communist-inspired." He also attacked the "misleading propaganda" and "malicious attacks" published in Tribune, a left-wing magazine. He said Labour was threatened by "mob rule" created by "frustrated journalists." He received strong support from the TGWU, a powerful trade union.

Attlee then called for an end to internal groups within the party. Labour MPs voted to ban such groups. Bevan's group was disbanded. In elections for the Shadow Cabinet (the group of opposition MPs who would be ministers if their party won), Gaitskell came in third place. Bevan barely made it in twelfth place.

Continued Disagreements

Tony Benn wrote in 1953 that Gaitskell was "intellectually arrogant, obstinate and patronizing." He respected Gaitskell but couldn't quite admire him.

The disagreements between Bevan and Gaitskell continued. In 1953, when Gaitskell called for unity, Bevan reportedly gave him "a glare of concentrated hatred." Bevan resigned from the Shadow Cabinet in April 1954 because he disagreed with Labour's support for setting up SEATO.

Bevan ran against Gaitskell for the position of Party Treasurer. He knew he would likely lose, but he hoped to challenge the power of union leaders. Gaitskell won by a large margin. Bevan then gave a speech where he said the Labour Leader needed to be a "desiccated calculating machine." Many thought he was referring to Gaitskell, and the label stuck.

1955 Events

In March 1955, Bevan challenged Attlee in a House of Commons debate. He demanded conditions for using the new H-Bomb in exchange for Labour's support. He and 62 other MPs did not vote, leading to calls for him to be expelled from the Labour Party.

Gaitskell felt that Bevan would have to leave the party eventually. He publicly accused Bevan of challenging the party leader. Labour MPs voted to remove Bevan from the party's official list of MPs.

Gaitskell felt he had to follow the lead of the unions and pushed for Bevan's expulsion. He even compared Bevan to Adolf Hitler, calling them "demagogues of exactly the same sort." Bevan refused to be "cornered by Gaitskell." In the end, Bevan apologized for his actions, and his apology was accepted. Gaitskell described the result as a "stalemate."

The May 1955 General Election was the first since 1931 where Labour's vote did not increase. Gaitskell argued that more left-wing policies would not have won Labour more votes. He believed that elections are won by appealing to the middle ground, not just the party's core supporters.

At the Labour conference that autumn, Gaitskell gave a strong speech. He emphasized his socialist beliefs and said that nationalization was still important. Bevan was reportedly "red-faced and furious" during the speech. In October 1955, Gaitskell was re-elected Party Treasurer, again defeating Bevan by a larger margin.

The similarity between Gaitskell's economic policies and those of the Conservative Chancellor, Rab Butler, was called "Butskellism." Gaitskell himself did not agree with this view. He strongly criticized Butler for allegedly misleading voters before the election.

Party Leader

After Attlee retired as leader in December 1955, Gaitskell ran for party leader against Bevan and the older Herbert Morrison. At that time, only Labour MPs voted for the leader. Bevan suggested that both he and Gaitskell withdraw so Morrison could become leader, but Gaitskell refused. Gaitskell easily defeated Bevan.

Gaitskell told a friend that he became leader so early because Bevan's behavior helped him. Gaitskell was quite inexperienced for a party leader at the time. He offered Bevan a public chance to work together, and Bevan accepted.

Some historians believe that Gaitskell's political performance from 1951 to 1955 was very strong, showing great energy, strategy, and courage.

Leader of the Opposition, 1955–1963

Suez Crisis

In 1956, the Egyptian leader, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser, took control of the Suez Canal Company. This started the Suez Crisis. Gaitskell initially told Prime Minister Anthony Eden that he would support military action against Nasser. But he warned Eden to act quickly and keep the Americans informed. Gaitskell spoke against Nasser's action in Parliament on July 27, 1956.

Gaitskell's position became more cautious over the summer. He suggested that the dispute should be taken to the United Nations. He had believed Eden's promises that he would not use force. In letters to Eden, Gaitskell condemned Nasser but warned that he would not support any action that broke United Nations rules.

Gaitskell strongly condemned the military action by Britain and France to take control of the Suez Canal. He called it "an act of disastrous folly." He said it threatened the alliance with the US, the United Nations, and the unity of the Commonwealth. On November 4, 1956, Gaitskell gave a powerful broadcast, attacking the Prime Minister for lying to him. Conservatives accused Gaitskell of being unpatriotic.

Gaitskell's stance on Suez gained some support from the Liberal Party. He was criticized in the press, especially for asking Conservative politicians to remove Eden from power. The Conservatives also tried to highlight differences between Gaitskell and Bevan, who had rejoined the Shadow Cabinet.

Nationalization and Political Ideas

Gaitskell was a leader who sought agreement within his party from 1955 to 1959. Labour was expected to win the next general election.

Gaitskell had initially believed that nationalization (government ownership of industries) was both right and efficient. But in 1956, he published a pamphlet arguing that more public ownership was not necessary. He said his goals were full employment, worker participation in industry, and a wider spread of economic power.

Gaitskell's political ideas became known as Gaitskellism. From the late 1950s, these ideas led to more conflict with trade unions over nationalization. He moved away from the idea that the Labour Party had to take over all industries. Instead, he focused on goals like personal freedom, social welfare, and social equality. He argued that these goals could be achieved through government financial and social policies within a mixed economy. His supporters included Anthony Crosland, Roy Jenkins, and James Callaghan.

Frank Cousins became the head of the TGWU in 1956. This began a shift towards more left-wing views among the unions. The 1957 Labour Conference supported a document that allowed for more flexibility, including the government buying shares in private companies. This was strongly criticized by some on the left.

1959 General Election

In the summer of 1959, Bevan supported Gaitskell against Frank Cousins on the issue of nuclear weapons. In the summer of 1959, Hugh and Dora Gaitskell, along with Bevan, visited the Soviet Union.

Before the general election, Gaitskell promised that Labour's spending plans would not require him to raise income tax. The Conservatives criticized him for this.

During the 1959 election campaign, Gaitskell became a "television star." The Labour Party was widely expected to win the 1959 general election, but they lost. The Conservatives increased their majority. This was partly due to Britain's growing prosperity after the war. Gaitskell was also hurt by public doubts about Labour's plans to raise pensions. The Conservatives ran a very effective campaign with the slogan "Life is better with the Conservatives, don't let Labour ruin it." This defeat led to questions about whether Labour could ever win again. But Gaitskell remained as leader.

Clause IV Debate

After the election defeat, bitter arguments started again within the party. Gaitskell blamed the left wing for the loss. He tried to change Clause IV of Labour's constitution. This clause committed the party to further nationalization of industry. Gaitskell and his supporters believed it was either unnecessary or a political problem.

Gaitskell ignored advice from his allies and pushed for reform. He was partly motivated by surveys showing that younger voters thought Labour was old-fashioned. He did not rule out further nationalization. But he said it was a tool, not the main goal. He joked about Labour nationalizing "every little pub and garage."

Bevan saw Gaitskell's speech beforehand and didn't object at the time. But later, he claimed he had "misunderstood" what Gaitskell planned. He was reportedly "absolutely livid." In the end, he gave a more conciliatory speech.

There was talk that Bevan might try to take the party leadership. But it seems he no longer wanted the job. Gaitskell could not afford to argue with his deputy anymore. By the end of 1959, Bevan was seriously ill and died in July 1960.

In March 1960, the Labour Party's National Executive Committee agreed to add a new statement of aims to Clause IV, rather than replacing it. However, many trade unions opposed this new proposal. In the end, the new proposal was downgraded.

Nuclear Disarmament

The idea of unilateral nuclear disarmament (getting rid of nuclear weapons without other countries doing the same) became popular among union activists. But most Labour MPs supported NATO and multilateral disarmament (reducing weapons with other countries).

Gaitskell wanted to show that Labour was a party ready to govern. At the October 1960 Labour Conference, two resolutions supporting unilateral disarmament were passed. Gaitskell promised to "Fight and Fight and Fight Again" to reverse this decision. He argued that the Parliamentary Party had the right to decide when to implement conference policy.

The October 1961 Conference saw a narrow vote in favor of multilateral disarmament. Winning this vote restored Gaitskell's authority in the party and his reputation in the country. Unilateral nuclear disarmament remained a divisive issue. Gaitskell was challenged for the Labour leadership in November 1960 and again in November 1961, but he won both times.

The Campaign for Democratic Socialism was founded to support Gaitskell's ideas. Many of its younger members later helped form the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 1981.

EEC Entry

Gaitskell upset some of his supporters by opposing Britain joining the European Economic Community (EEC). Conservative Prime Minister Harold Macmillan had been trying to get Britain to join since July 1961. Gaitskell was not completely against joining in principle. But he believed the EEC was hard to change, and membership would harm Britain's relationships with the Commonwealth countries.

In a speech to the party conference in October 1962, Gaitskell argued that if the goal was for Britain to join a Federal Europe, it would mean "the end of Britain as an independent European state, the end of a thousand years of history!" He added that such a big decision needed "a little care and thought."

In his speech, Gaitskell reminded people of battles where Canadian and ANZAC (Australian and New Zealand) troops fought alongside British soldiers. He mixed his defense of national identity with the tradition of the Commonwealth. The speech disappointed many of Gaitskell's natural supporters but was applauded by many on the left. His wife, Dora, noted that "all the wrong people are cheering."

Death

In mid-December 1962, Gaitskell became ill with flu. His doctor said he was well enough to travel to the Soviet Union, where he met the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. When he returned to Britain, his condition worsened after he caught another virus. On January 4, 1963, he was admitted to Middlesex Hospital in Marylebone. Despite doctors' best efforts, he died on January 18, at the age of 56. He died from complications of lupus, an autoimmune disease that affected his heart and kidneys.

Gaitskell's body was cremated. His ashes are buried in the churchyard of St John-at-Hampstead Church in north London. His wife was buried next to him in 1989.

The shock of Gaitskell's death was similar to the sudden death of later Labour leader John Smith in 1994. Both seemed close to becoming Prime Minister. Gaitskell had inherited money from an aunt in 1938, which grew significantly over time. His wife did not know about his wealth.

Gaitskell kept a diary from his time as a minister until 1956. This diary is an important source of information about the politics of that era.

Legacy

Gaitskell's Influence

Gaitskell was greatly admired by his followers, like Roy Jenkins. They saw him as a symbol of hope and integrity. Left-wing politicians like Barbara Castle disliked him for his strong views. Many, including Tony Benn, thought he was a divisive figure. They initially welcomed Harold Wilson as a new leader who could unite the party.

However, many of Gaitskell's supporters held important positions in Harold Wilson's government from 1964 to 1970. Many of them later supported Britain joining the EEC. This issue split the Labour Party in the 1970s and led to the creation of the SDP in 1981.

The rivalry between Gaitskell and Bevan continued to divide the Labour Party into the 1980s. Neil Kinnock, Labour Leader from 1983 to 1992, was an admirer of Bevan. But his fight against the hard-left Militant tendency in the mid-1980s had similarities to Gaitskell's struggles. John Smith, Labour Leader from 1992 to 1994, had been a Gaitskellite when he was young. Tony Blair's first action as leader in 1994 was to finally abolish Clause IV. For this and other actions, he was supported by the elderly Roy Jenkins. Like Gaitskell, Blair was often seen by his opponents in the Labour Party as a middle-class outsider.

Tony Benn compared Gaitskell's stance on the Suez Crisis to former British Prime Minister Tony Blair's position on the Iraq War. Margaret Thatcher also compared Blair to Gaitskell, warning her party that Blair was the most challenging Labour leader since Hugh Gaitskell.

Memorials

Gaitskell's name appears in popular culture. For example, "Hugh Gaitskell House" is a building mentioned in the TV series Goodnight Sweetheart. A tower block with that name can be found in North London.

Hugh Gaitskell Primary School is located in Beeston, which was part of his former Leeds South constituency.

In 1978, a new housing development in the Tividale area of the West Midlands was named Gaitskell Terrace.

Gaitskell was buried in Hampstead. A memorial plaque in his name is in the cloisters of New College, Oxford.

Images for kids

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  Gaitskell in 1961

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  The Gaitskell flats in Holbeck, Leeds were named after Gaitskell. They were taken down in 2010.

See also

In Spanish: Hugh Gaitskell para niños