Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu facts for kids

Quick facts for kids Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu
Minister of Justice of Romania
In office 23 August 1944 – 23 February 1948
Prime Minister	Constantin Sănătescu Nicolae Rădescu Petru Groza
Preceded by	Ion C. Marinescu
Succeeded by	Avram Bunaciu
Personal details
Born	(1900-11-04)4 November 1900 Bacău, Kingdom of Romania
Died	17 April 1954(1954-04-17) (aged 53) Jilava Prison, Ilfov County, Romanian People's Republic
Political party	Romanian Communist Party
Spouses	Elena Pătrășcanu, née Schwamern
Parents	Dimitrie D. Pătrășcanu Lucreția Pătrășcanu
Alma mater	University of Bucharest Leipzig University
Profession	Lawyer

Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu (born November 4, 1900 – died April 17, 1954) was an important Romanian communist politician. He was a leading member of the Communist Party of Romania (PCR). Pătrășcanu was also known for his work as a lawyer, sociologist, and economist. He even taught as a professor at the University of Bucharest.

Pătrășcanu became a government official before World War II ended. However, he often disagreed with the ideas of Stalin, a strict form of communism. This led to problems with the Romanian Communist government led by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej. Pătrășcanu was arrested and became a political prisoner. Sadly, he was later executed. Fourteen years after his death, Romania's new communist leader, Nicolae Ceaușescu, officially cleared his name. This was part of a new policy.

Early Life and Education

Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu was born in Bacău. His father, Dimitrie D. Pătrășcanu, was a well-known political figure. Lucrețiu became interested in politics and joined the Socialist Party of Romania in 1919. He worked as an editor for their newspaper, Socialismul, in 1921.

He studied law at the University of Bucharest and graduated in 1922. He then earned his PhD from Leipzig University in 1925. Pătrășcanu also wrote many articles for newspapers using different pen names.

He became more radical after the October Revolution in Russia. In 1921, he was one of the first members of the Communist Party of Romania (then called PCdR). Pătrășcanu, along with Elek Köblös, Ana Pauker, and Marcel Pauker, represented the party at the 4th Comintern Congress in Moscow in late 1922. When he returned to Romania, he was arrested and jailed in Jilava Prison in 1924. The party was made illegal that year. He went on a hunger strike until he was moved to a prison hospital.

At the Kharkiv Congress in 1928, Pătrășcanu disagreed with the Comintern leader Bohumír Šmeral. He also argued with other party members about Bessarabia. A resolution was planned that said Greater Romania was an imperialist country. Pătrășcanu argued:

Moldovans are not a separate nation. Historically and geographically, Moldovans are the same Romanians as those in Moldavia [on the right bank of the Prut River]. So, I believe that adding such a false point makes the whole resolution false.

Political Activities in the 1930s

Eugen Rozvan, Vasile Cașul, Ștefan Dan, Pătrășcanu, and Imre Aladar in 1931

In May 1931, Pătrășcanu was elected to the Chamber of Deputies. He was a candidate for the Workers and Peasants' Bloc, which was a group secretly linked to the outlawed Communist Party. Later that year, the 5th Party Congress, held in the Soviet Union, chose him as a new member of the Central Committee.

In 1932, he took part in debates with the Criterion group. He and his colleague Belu Zilber defended Stalinist ideas about Vladimir Lenin. They faced criticism from both right-wing and other left-wing thinkers.

Pătrășcanu represented the Communist Party at the Comintern again in 1933 and 1934. He stayed in Moscow until 1935. Some historians believe he started to doubt Stalinism during this time. In the following years, Pătrășcanu focused on fighting fascism and remained active in the party. In 1936, he led the defense team for Communist Party members in the famous 1936 Craiova Trial. However, he was accused of being a communist himself and had to give his position to Ion Gheorghe Maurer.

Imprisonment During World War II

Pătrășcanu was imprisoned during World War II. After August 1940, he was held at the Târgu Jiu internment camp. There, he was with Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej and other party members who were in Romania.

He was later freed by the National Legionary State, a fascist government. This government was trying to keep good relations with the Soviet Union. Pătrășcanu then helped restart a party group called Amicii URSS ("Friends of the USSR").

In 1941, after a rebellion, he was arrested again by the government of Ion Antonescu. He was released from the camp in 1943 for health reasons. He was then kept under house arrest in Poiana Țapului. He was allowed to move to Bucharest later that year but remained under watch until May 1944.

Key Role in 1944 and Government Position

In April 1944, Pătrășcanu met with Ioan Mocsony Stârcea, who worked for King Michael I. They discussed an agreement between the King and the Communists. The goal was to overthrow Antonescu and remove Romania from the Axis in World War II.

Pătrășcanu, along with Emil Bodnăraș, represented the Communist Party in secret talks. These talks were with other political parties to overthrow Antonescu. It was during this time that Gheorghiu-Dej and Bodnăraș took over the leadership of the Communist Party.

The talks led to the arrest of Ion Antonescu on August 23, 1944. This event is known as the King Michael Coup. Pătrășcanu helped write the announcement that King Michael read on the radio after the coup. He also represented the Communist Party in signing Romania's armistice with the Soviets in Moscow. After returning to Romania with the Red Army in late 1944, Pătrășcanu joined the Central Committee in 1945. He played a big part in helping his party gain control over Romania's laws.

During the Soviet occupation, he was a member of the Romanian Politburo from 1946 to 1947. He held important positions in the new governments, serving as a Minister without Portfolio (1944) and Minister of Justice (1944–1948).

Pătrășcanu also helped start purges and arrests. He was responsible for firing and arresting government workers who were seen as suspicious. He also helped create the Romanian People's Tribunals and appointed prosecutors.

Early Conflicts with the Party

Pătrășcanu, Teohari Georgescu, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, Lothar Rădăceanu, and Ștefan Voitec at the August 23, 1945 Parade in Palace Square, Bucharest

In the late 1940s, Pătrășcanu began to show his disagreement with strict Stalinist rules. At the same time, other party leaders became suspicious of him because of his intellectual approach to socialism.

Around February 1945, he started to fear that Emil Bodnăraș might be planning to harm him. He suspected Bodnăraș wanted to blame it on political opponents to gain sympathy for the Communist Party. Pătrășcanu tried to stop Bodnăraș from gaining more power. He also reported Bodnăraș's alleged corrupt activities to other leaders.

Historians disagree on whether Pătrășcanu first allied with Ana Pauker against Gheorghiu-Dej. It seems Pătrășcanu was worried about Pauker's close work with Soviet officials. However, while under arrest, Pătrășcanu said he was closest to Pauker and Teohari Georgescu among the Romanian party leaders.

Pătrășcanu, Teohari Georgescu, and Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej watching a May Day parade in Bucharest, 1946

Pătrășcanu had a different view on how quickly Romania should become communist. He was surprised when he learned the Soviet Union wanted a very fast change. He disagreed with Vasile Luca and Pauker's strong support for this fast change. Instead, he suggested working with the National Liberal Party.

A major disagreement with the party happened in early 1946. Pătrășcanu tried to help resolve a conflict between King Michael I and the government. He asked anti-communist figures to convince the King to work with the government again.

1946 Elections and Criticism

During the campaign for the rigged elections of 1946, Pătrășcanu was very active in Transylvania. When a drought and famine hit other parts of Romania, he tried to convince farmers in Arad County to sell their wheat to the government for aid.

Responding to conflicts between Hungarians and Romanians, Pătrășcanu gave a speech in Cluj. He tried to connect communism with patriotism. He said:

In the name of the government and the Communist Party, I speak against border changes [in Northern Transylvania]. Democratic Romania gives equal rights to all nationalities. But the Hungarian people must understand that their belonging to the Romanian state is final. Nobody has the right to debate our borders.

He ran for deputy in Arad County and won due to various election frauds.

Pătrășcanu soon received strong criticism from Gheorghiu-Dej. Dej called his views "chauvinism" (extreme patriotism) and "revisionism" (changing core party ideas). At the same time, the main opposition party, the National Peasants' Party, praised Pătrășcanu in their newspaper. However, Pătrășcanu met with the editor and explained that such articles were hurting his standing in the Communist Party.

Marginalization and Arrest

In 1946-1947, Pătrășcanu was part of the Romanian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference. He was one of the people who signed the Peace Treaty with Romania. During this time, he read a book called Darkness at Noon, which was about forced confessions in the Soviet Union. This book was banned in communist countries. His views expressed in Paris were seen as too nationalist by Soviet officials. He complained to Gheorghiu-Dej about the party's suspicion of his diplomatic work.

He was slowly pushed aside within the party. His writings were censored. In public, his name was mentioned after less important politicians. The communist press stopped calling him "comrade" and used "Professor Pătrășcanu" instead. In February 1948, the VIth Party Congress did not confirm his membership in the Central Committee. In the months that followed, he was removed from his government job.

On April 28, 1948, Pătrășcanu was arrested. A party committee, including high-ranking communists, investigated him. Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej sometimes attended these interrogations. The secret police, which later became the Securitate, had been watching him since 1946.

In 1949, Gheorghiu-Dej ordered Pătrășcanu to be transferred to the Secret Service. He was accused of not reporting political crimes. An official report linked Pătrășcanu to "imperialist agents," similar to other communist leaders who were accused of being disloyal.

The investigation was paused for six months. In February 1951, the Interior Minister, Teohari Georgescu, ordered that Pătrășcanu and others should not be physically forced to confess. This was against the orders of the chief Soviet adviser. In the summer of 1951, Georgescu concluded there was no reason to continue prosecuting Pătrășcanu. However, when the Soviet advisers returned, they angrily stopped any attempt to close the case.

In 1951, Pătrășcanu explained his actions. He said he tried to respond to Hungarian claims and help his party compete with other parties in Transylvania. He also criticized his own idea of an alliance with the National Liberal Party.

He was accused of being funded by "bourgeois" (wealthy) figures during his election campaign. He was even accused of being bought by agents from the United States or planning a rebellion with other agents.

Many questions remain about the positions of different Romanian Communist leaders on Pătrășcanu's case. All records of discussions about him were destroyed by Gheorghiu-Dej's orders. No evidence or confession was obtained until May 1952. After that, the investigation was supervised by other officials and Soviet advisers. Authorities also claimed that Pătrășcanu had been a secret agent before 1944.

Trial and Execution

Pătrășcanu was held in prison until 1954. He was executed on April 17, 1954, along with another person, at Jilava Prison, near Bucharest. This happened after a show trial, which is a trial where the outcome is already decided.

Rehabilitation and Legacy

Pătrășcanu was officially cleared of all charges in April 1968 by Nicolae Ceaușescu. Ceaușescu did this to criticize previous leaders and strengthen his own power.

At a Party meeting in April 1968, Ceaușescu used Pătrășcanu's case to highlight the negative influence of other leaders. All of them had to admit their mistakes. Gheorghiu-Dej was condemned for starting and overseeing the actions against Pătrășcanu.

Ceaușescu used Pătrășcanu's image as a patriotic figure. Pătrășcanu's life was often described briefly and vaguely by the regime. In public, Pătrășcanu was seen as a positive figure. He remained one of the most popular communist figures even after the Romanian Revolution of 1989. Streets in Bucharest and Bacău are named after him.

Sociology and Ideas

In his most important books, Pătrășcanu combined his belief in Marxism-Leninism with his training in sociology. He developed unique ideas about how society changes, focusing on Romania's social trends from the 1700s to his time.

His work supported communist ideas. It also shared many features with other Romanian sociologists, like focusing on social differences in a country mostly made up of peasants.

Views on Feudalism and Capitalism

Pătrășcanu believed that Moldavia and Wallachia had moved away from feudalism by the mid-1700s. Instead, they kept a form of serfdom (where peasants were tied to the land). He argued that capitalism in Romania during the time of the Phanariotes (Greek rulers) was a force that resisted change. Despite the country being underdeveloped, its economy still followed the stages of development described by Marxian economics.

Pătrășcanu thought the first important social conflict happened in 1821, during Tudor Vladimirescu's Wallachian uprising. He believed this rebellion showed that lower-ranking nobles and merchants were trying to free themselves from Ottoman control.

Ideas on Radicalism and Reform

The Wallachian Revolution of 1848 was, in Pătrășcanu's view, a mature effort by the middle class to challenge the power of the nobles. He criticized other socialist groups, saying their focus on following laws was too rigid.

These views put Pătrășcanu at odds with other left-wing writers in Romania. He also disagreed with those who supported economic liberalism.

Thoughts on the 20th Century

Pătrășcanu argued that Romania's economy, being behind Western countries, experienced "primitive accumulation of capital". This meant that foreign money was gathered in Romania but only moved through a few industries.

He believed that the system of estate leaseholders led to the 1907 revolt. He saw this as a sign of capitalism entering agriculture, not a sign of feudalism continuing.

Pătrășcanu outlined steps for a Romanian communist society in the late 1940s. These included getting rid of old laws, taking over large properties, and making the National Bank state-owned. He also wanted to improve civil liberties and maintain good relations with the Soviet Union. He called these steps "democratic-bourgeois" rather than purely socialist.

One of Pătrășcanu's most important writings analyzed the Romanian intelligentsia (intellectuals). He argued that Romanian intellectuals often put small political matters before the common good. He also believed that Romanian elites, while serving the state, were often drawn to extremism.

Personal Life

Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu was married to Elena, whose birth name was Herta Schwamen. Elena was a stage designer. She was Jewish but converted to the Romanian Orthodox Church to avoid anti-Jewish persecution in the late 1930s.

Elena Pătrășcanu was also a party activist. She helped her husband stay in touch with other communist leaders during World War II. She was forced to testify against Lucrețiu during his trial and was sentenced to eight years in prison.

The Pătrășcanus did not have any children.

In Art

Titus Popovici's play Puterea și adevărul ("The Power and the Truth"), published in the early 1970s, features a character named Petrescu. This character is largely based on Pătrășcanu. Petrescu is persecuted by a party secretary who represents Gheorghiu-Dej.

In his 1993 film The Mirror, Sergiu Nicolaescu cast Șerban Ionescu as Pătrășcanu.

Published Books

• Un veac de frământări sociale, 1821-1907 (A Century of Social Unrest, 1821-1907)
• Probleme de bază ale României (Fundamental Problems of Romania)
• Sub trei dictaturi (Under Three Dictatorships)
• Curente și tendințe în filozofia românească (Schools of Thought and Tendencies in Romanian Philosophy)