Noam Chomsky facts for kids
Quick facts for kids
Noam Chomsky
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Chomsky in 2017
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| Born |
Avram Noam Chomsky
December 7, 1928 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, U.S.
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| Education | University of Pennsylvania (BA, MA, PhD) |
| Spouse(s) | |
| Children | 3, including Aviva |
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| Thesis | Transformational Analysis (1955) |
| Doctoral advisor | Zellig Harris |
| Doctoral students |
Gülşat Aygen, Mark Baker, Jonathan Bobaljik, Joan Bresnan, Peter Culicover, Ray C. Dougherty, Janet Dean Fodor, John Goldsmith, C.-T. James Huang, Sabine Iatridou, Ray Jackendoff, Edward Klima, Jan Koster, Jaklin Kornfilt, S.-Y. Kuroda, Howard Lasnik, Robert Lees, Alec Marantz, Diane Massam, James D. McCawley, Jacques Mehler, Andrea Moro, Barbara Partee, David Perlmutter, David Pesetsky, Tanya Reinhart, John R. Ross, Ivan Sag, Edwin S. Williams
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| Influences |
Academic
J. L. Austin, William Chomsky, C. West Churchman, René Descartes, Galileo, Nelson Goodman, Morris Halle, Zellig Harris, Wilhelm von Humboldt, David Hume, Roman Jakobson, Immanuel Kant, George Armitage Miller, Pāṇini, Hilary Putnam, W. V. O. Quine, Bertrand Russell, Ferdinand de Saussure, Marcel-Paul Schützenberger, Alan Turing, Ludwig Wittgenstein
Political
Mikhail Bakunin, Alex Carey, William Chomsky, John Dewey, Zellig Harris, Wilhelm von Humboldt, David Hume, Thomas Jefferson, Karl Korsch, Peter Kropotkin, Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, John Locke, Dwight Macdonald, Paul Mattick, John Stuart Mill, George Orwell, Anton Pannekoek, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Rudolf Rocker, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Bertrand Russell, Diego Abad de Santillán, Adam Smith
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In academia
John Backus, Derek Bickerton, Julian C. Boyd, Daniel Dennett, Daniel Everett, Jerry Fodor, Gilbert Harman, Marc Hauser, Norbert Hornstein, Niels Kaj Jerne, Donald Knuth, Georges J. F. Köhler, Peter Ludlow, Colin McGinn, César Milstein, Steven Pinker, John Searle, Neil Smith, Crispin Wright
In politics
Michael Albert, Julian Assange, Bono, Jean Bricmont, Hugo Chávez, Zack de la Rocha, Clinton Fernandes, Norman Finkelstein, Robert Fisk, Amy Goodman, Stephen Jay Gould, Glenn Greenwald, Christopher Hitchens, Naomi Klein, Kyle Kulinski, Michael Moore, John Nichols, Ann Nocenti, John Pilger, Harold Pinter, Arundhati Roy, Edward Said, Aaron Swartz
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Avram Noam Chomsky (
i/noʊm ˈtʃɒmski/ NOHM-_-CHOM-skee; born December 7, 1928) is an American professor and a well-known public thinker. He is famous for his work in linguistics (the study of language), political activism, and social criticism. Some people call him "the father of modern linguistics." Chomsky is also important in analytic philosophy and helped start the field of cognitive science (the study of how the mind works).
He is a professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and a professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). This means he is a retired professor who still keeps his title. Chomsky is one of the most quoted living authors. He has written over 150 books about language, war, and politics. Since the 1960s, he has been a strong voice on the American left. He often criticizes U.S. foreign policy, modern capitalism, and how big companies influence politics and the news.
Chomsky was born in Philadelphia to Jewish immigrant parents. He became interested in anarchism (a political idea about societies without rulers) early on. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his studies, he developed a theory called transformational grammar. This theory helped him earn his doctorate in 1955. That same year, he started teaching at MIT. In 1957, he became a major figure in linguistics with his book Syntactic Structures. This book changed how language was studied. He also helped create the ideas of universal grammar, generative grammar, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a key role in moving away from behaviorism in language study. He strongly disagreed with the ideas of B. F. Skinner.
Chomsky was a strong opponent of the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. He saw it as an act of American imperialism. In 1967, he became nationally known for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". He became linked with the New Left movement. He was arrested many times for his activism. President Richard Nixon even put him on a list of political opponents. While continuing his work in linguistics, he also got involved in debates about language theory. Later, with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky explained the propaganda model of media criticism in their book Manufacturing Consent. He also worked to show what was happening during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor.
Chomsky believes in complete freedom of speech. This led to controversy in the 1980s when he defended the right of a historian to express views that were widely seen as Holocaust denial. His comments on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also caused debate. After retiring from teaching at MIT, he has continued his political activism. He spoke out against the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supported the Occupy movement. Chomsky is also anti-Zionist. He believes Israel's treatment of Palestinians is worse than apartheid in South Africa. He also criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Many people believe Chomsky helped start the "cognitive revolution" in human sciences. This changed how language and the mind are studied. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, modern capitalism, and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. His ideas are very important in movements against capitalism and imperialism. Since 2017, he has been a professor at the University of Arizona.
Contents
About Noam Chomsky's Life
Early Years: 1928–1945
Chomsky was born on December 7, 1928, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His parents, William Chomsky and Elsie Simonofsky, were Jewish immigrants. His father, William, came from the Russian Empire in 1913. He worked in schools and taught Hebrew. William believed in educating people to be "free and independent in their thinking." This idea greatly influenced his son, Noam. Elsie, his mother, also taught and shared her interest in social issues.
Noam's only brother, David, was born five years later. They were close. Noam was raised Jewish and learned Hebrew. His family often discussed Zionism, a political idea about a Jewish homeland. Chomsky faced antisemitism (prejudice against Jewish people) as a child.
He went to Oak Lane Country Day School and Central High School. He did very well in school. He also attended Hebrew High School where his father taught. Chomsky said his father's work on an old Hebrew grammarian influenced his ideas about language.
Chomsky described his parents as typical "Roosevelt Democrats." But relatives involved in a workers' union introduced him to socialism. He was greatly influenced by his uncle and Jewish leftists in New York City. Chomsky often visited left-wing and anarchist bookstores there. He read many political books. At age 10, he wrote his first article about the 1939 fall of Barcelona. This event involved the defeat of the Spanish anarchosyndicalist movement. He felt lucky to have found anarchism early on. By his early teens, Chomsky was strongly against Bolshevism.
College Days: 1945–1955
In 1945, at 16, Chomsky started college at the University of Pennsylvania. He studied philosophy, logic, and languages. He became very interested in learning Arabic. He paid for college by teaching Hebrew. He almost dropped out, but then met linguist Zellig Harris. Harris introduced Chomsky to theoretical linguistics. Chomsky then decided to major in language studies. His college thesis applied Harris's methods to Hebrew. He got his master's degree in 1951. He also developed his interest in philosophy.
From 1951 to 1955, Chomsky was a member of the Society of Fellows at Harvard University. He worked on his doctoral paper there. In 1952, he published his first academic article. He strongly disagreed with the behaviorist ideas about language at the time. In 1954, he shared his ideas at lectures. In 1955, he submitted his paper on transformational grammar. He earned his PhD for it. A Harvard professor, George Armitage Miller, was impressed by Chomsky's work. They worked together on papers about language and math. Chomsky's PhD meant he did not have to join the military.
In 1947, Chomsky started dating Carol Doris Schatz, whom he had known since childhood. They married in 1949. They moved to Boston and later to Lexington, Massachusetts. In 1953, they traveled to Europe. He enjoyed living in a kibbutz in Israel. But he was upset by Jewish nationalism and anti-Arab racism there. In New York City, Chomsky continued to visit an anarchist newspaper office. He liked the ideas of Rudolf Rocker. Chomsky also read other political thinkers. His political views were strengthened by George Orwell's book Homage to Catalonia.
Starting His Career: 1955–1966
Chomsky became friends with two linguists at MIT, Morris Halle and Roman Jakobson. Jakobson helped him get a job as an assistant professor at MIT in 1955. At MIT, Chomsky worked on a project to teach computers to translate languages. He also taught a course on language and philosophy. He felt MIT allowed him to explore his unique interests. MIT made him an associate professor in 1957. He also taught at Columbia University. Chomsky and Carol had their first child, Aviva, that year.
He also published his first book on linguistics, Syntactic Structures. This book challenged the main ideas in the field. Some people ignored his ideas, others were hostile. But his work caused "significant upheaval" in language study. Linguist John Lyons later said Syntactic Structures "revolutionized the scientific study of language." From 1958 to 1959, Chomsky was a fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study.
Chomsky strongly criticized B. F. Skinner's view that language is just learned behavior. This made Chomsky famous. He argued that behaviorism did not fully explain human creativity in learning language. He also said it focused too much on outside influences. Chomsky then started MIT's graduate program in linguistics with Halle. In 1961, he became a full professor. In 1962, he was a main speaker at a big linguistics conference. This made him a leading voice in American linguistics. From 1963 to 1965, he advised a military project. This project aimed to teach computers to understand English commands.
Chomsky kept publishing his language ideas. These included Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965) and Cartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History of Rationalist Thought (1966). He also edited a series of books. He gained much academic recognition. In the late 1960s, there was a big debate among linguists, including Chomsky and some of his students. This was called the "linguistic wars." They disagreed on how language works. Later, people realized both sides of the debate were helpful.
Speaking Out Against War: 1967–1975
Chomsky joined protests against the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War in 1962. He spoke at small meetings. His 1967 essay, "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," criticized U.S. actions. This essay made Chomsky known as a public critic. This essay and other articles were published in his first political book, American Power and the New Mandarins (1969). He wrote more political books after that. These books linked Chomsky to the American New Left movement. However, the main news outlets mostly ignored him.
He also became active in left-wing groups. Chomsky refused to pay half his taxes. He supported students who refused to join the military draft. He was arrested at an anti-war protest outside the Pentagon. He also helped start an anti-war group called RESIST. Chomsky questioned the goals of the 1968 student protests. But he often gave talks to student groups. He also taught politics courses at MIT. Chomsky knew his actions could have consequences. His wife studied linguistics to support their family if he went to jail or lost his job. His strong scientific reputation protected him from being fired. In 1970, he visited Southeast Asia. He lectured in Vietnam and visited refugee camps in Laos.
His work in linguistics continued to be recognized worldwide. He received many honorary degrees. He gave public lectures at major universities. His 1971 debate with French philosopher Michel Foucault made Chomsky a symbol of analytic philosophy. He kept publishing many books on linguistics. In 1974, he became a fellow of the British Academy.
Working with Edward S. Herman and the Faurisson Affair: 1976–1980
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In the late 1970s and 1980s, Chomsky's language books explained his earlier work. They also responded to critics and updated his theories. His political talks often caused controversy. This was especially true when he criticized the Israeli government. In the early 1970s, Chomsky started working with Edward S. Herman. They wrote a book called Counter-Revolutionary Violence: Bloodbaths in Fact & Propaganda. It criticized U.S. military actions in Southeast Asia. It also criticized how the news media failed to cover these events. The book was published in 1973, but the parent company ordered all copies destroyed.
Chomsky found support from South End Press, a publisher focused on activism. In 1979, South End published Chomsky and Herman's revised book. It was called The Political Economy of Human Rights. This book compared how U.S. media reacted to the Cambodian genocide and the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. They argued that because Indonesia was a U.S. ally, the media ignored East Timor. But they focused on Cambodia, which was a U.S. enemy. Chomsky spoke to the United Nations about East Timor. He also encouraged American media to cover the occupation. Some critics accused Chomsky of supporting the Cambodian leader Pol Pot. Herman said this caused Chomsky "serious personal cost."
Chomsky had always criticized Nazism and totalitarianism. But his belief in freedom of speech led him to defend a French historian, Robert Faurisson. Faurisson's views were widely seen as Holocaust denial. Without Chomsky's knowledge, his defense of Faurisson's free speech was used as a preface to Faurisson's 1980 book. Chomsky was widely criticized for this. French media accused him of denying the Holocaust himself. This event, called the Faurisson affair, greatly harmed Chomsky's reputation, especially in France.
Criticizing Propaganda and World Events
In 1985, during the Nicaraguan Contra War, Chomsky visited Managua. He met with workers and refugees. He gave talks on politics and language. Many of these talks were published in a book. In 1983, he published The Fateful Triangle. This book argued that the U.S. used the Israeli–Palestinian conflict for its own benefit. In 1988, Chomsky visited the Palestinian territories. He saw the impact of Israeli occupation.
Chomsky and Herman's book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988) explains their propaganda model. They argue that even without official censorship, news is controlled. Five "filters" influence what news is shown and how. The book was made into a film in 1992. In 1989, Chomsky published Necessary Illusions. He suggested that in a true democracy, citizens must defend themselves against media and elite ideas that try to control them. By the 1980s, Chomsky's students became important linguists. They expanded his language theories.
In the 1990s, Chomsky became even more involved in political activism. He continued to support East Timor's independence. In 1995, he visited Australia to speak on the issue. His talks were published in a book. Many believe he helped East Timor gain independence more than anyone else, except one journalist. After East Timor became independent in 1999, Chomsky criticized the peacekeeping force. He believed it was to secure Australia's access to East Timor's oil.
Chomsky was interviewed a lot after the September 11 attacks in 2001. He argued that the "War on Terror" was not new. He said it was a continuation of U.S. foreign policy since the 1980s. He gave lectures in India and visited Cuba in 2003. Chomsky's 2003 book Hegemony or Survival described the United States' "imperial grand strategy." It criticized the Iraq War and other parts of the War on Terror. Chomsky traveled more often during this time.
During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Chomsky supported Scotland becoming independent.
Retirement Years
Chomsky retired from MIT in 2002. But he continued to do research and lead seminars. That same year, he visited Turkey. He attended the trial of a publisher accused of treason for printing one of his books. Chomsky insisted on being a co-defendant. The court dropped the charge on the first day. During that trip, Chomsky visited Kurdish areas of Turkey. He spoke out for the human rights of the Kurds. He supported the World Social Forum. He attended its conferences in Brazil and India.
Chomsky supported the 2011 Occupy movement. He spoke at their camps and wrote about the movement. He called it a reaction to a 30-year "class war." The 2015 film Requiem for the American Dream explains his ideas on capitalism and economic inequality.
In 2017, Chomsky taught a short politics course at the University of Arizona. He was later hired as a part-time professor there. He teaches and gives public seminars. His salary is paid by donations.
Noam Chomsky's Language Ideas
The main idea of Chomsky's language theory is called biolinguistics. This idea says that the basic rules of language are built into the human mind. They are inherited through our genes. He believes all humans share the same basic language structure. This is true no matter where they come from or what their culture is.
Because of this, Chomsky disagrees with radical behaviorism. This idea, from people like B. F. Skinner, said that speech and thought are completely learned. Chomsky argues that language is a unique human ability. No other animal species has it. He believes his view of language, which says some knowledge is inborn, fits with "rationalism" in philosophy. This is different from "empiricism," which says all knowledge comes from outside experiences.
Universal Grammar
Since the 1960s, Chomsky has said that some knowledge of language structure is inborn. This means children only need to learn specific parts of their native languages. He bases this on how humans learn language. He talks about the "poverty of the stimulus." This means there is a huge gap between the language children hear and the rich language skills they gain. For example, children hear only a small part of all possible sentences. Yet, they learn to understand and create an infinite number of sentences. They can even make sentences they have never heard before.
To explain this, Chomsky suggested that humans have an innate linguistic capacity. Also, a human baby and a kitten can both learn from experience. But if they hear the same language, the human will learn to speak, and the kitten will not. Chomsky called this difference the language acquisition device. He said linguists need to find out what this device is. They also need to know what limits it puts on human languages. The common features that come from these limits would be "universal grammar." Some researchers disagree with universal grammar. They question if it can be explained by evolution or if it applies to all languages.
Generative Grammar
Chomsky is known for starting the idea of generative grammar. This aims to explain how the mind understands language. It does this by creating and testing models of our subconscious language knowledge. Generative grammar suggests models of language using clear rule systems. These systems make predictions that can be tested. The goal of generative grammar is to answer: "What do you know when you know a language?"
Chomsky's first model within generative grammar was transformational grammar. He developed it in the mid-1950s. It became the main theory of language structure for 20 years. "Transformations" are rules that change a sentence's deep structure (its meaning) into its surface structure (how it sounds). Transformational grammar later led to other theories, like the minimalist program. This research focused on "principles and parameters." This idea explains how children learn any language. They fill in universal grammar principles that change as they hear language. The minimalist program asks which simple principles best explain language.
Chomsky is often credited with inventing transformational-generative grammar. But his early work built on ideas from his PhD supervisor, Zellig Harris, and Charles F. Hockett. Their method came from Louis Hjelmslev, who introduced rule-based grammar. Based on this, Chomsky grouped different types of grammar into four levels of complexity. This is known as the Chomsky hierarchy. This classification is still important in computer science. Chomsky's Syntactic Structures helped connect early language study with cognitive linguistics.
Noam Chomsky's Political Ideas
Chomsky is a well-known political critic. His political views have not changed much since he was a child. He was influenced by his family's focus on political action. He usually calls himself an anarcho-syndicalist or a libertarian socialist. He sees these as ideals that best meet human needs: freedom, community, and the ability to form groups freely. Unlike some other socialists, Chomsky believes politics is not a science. But he bases his ideas for an ideal society on real-world facts and proven theories.
Chomsky believes that the truth about politics is often hidden or twisted. He says this is done by powerful groups, like big companies. They use corporate media and think tanks to spread their own messages. His work tries to show these manipulations and the truth behind them. Chomsky thinks people can break through these false ideas with "common sense" and critical thinking. He believes intellectuals have a duty to tell the truth. He says it is his job to use his position and skills to help movements that support democracy.
Chomsky has taken part in protests. He has been arrested and helped organize groups. But his main way of political action is through education. He gives free public lessons. He is also a long-time member of the Industrial Workers of the World union.
Views on U.S. Foreign Policy
Chomsky has strongly criticized American imperialism. But he is not against all wars. He believes World War II was justified as a defensive war for America. He thinks the main goal of U.S. foreign policy is to create "open societies." These societies are controlled by the U.S. economically and politically. This allows U.S. businesses to do well. He argues that the U.S. tries to stop any movements in these countries that do not agree with U.S. interests. It also tries to put U.S.-friendly governments in power.
When he talks about current events, he puts them in a larger historical context. He believes official stories about U.S. and British actions abroad often hide the truth. They present these nations as having good intentions, like spreading democracy or Christianity. By criticizing these stories, he tries to correct them. He often mentions the actions of the British Empire in India and Africa. He also talks about U.S. actions in Vietnam, the Philippines, Latin America, and the Middle East.
Chomsky focuses on criticizing the United States because it has been a world power during his lifetime. He also believes that in a liberal democracy like the U.S., citizens can influence government policy. He hopes that by showing the impact of U.S. foreign policies, he can encourage people in the U.S. and other countries to oppose them. He urges people to question their governments' reasons and actions. He says people should take responsibility for their own thoughts and actions.
Chomsky has criticized U.S. involvement in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. He argues that the U.S. has often blocked peaceful solutions. He also criticizes the U.S.'s close ties with Saudi Arabia. He points out that Saudi Arabia has a very bad human rights record.
He called the Russian invasion of Ukraine a "war crime." He said it was similar to the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. But he also argued that Russia was fighting less brutally than the U.S. did in Iraq. He supported Ukraine's right to defend itself. But he also said that the U.S. refusing to compromise with Russia might have helped start the war. He believes this means Ukraine's well-being is being sacrificed to use it against Russia.
Views on Capitalism and Socialism
When he was young, Chomsky disliked capitalism and chasing money. He also disliked authoritarian socialism, like the policies of the Soviet Union. He suggests that instead of thinking about state vs. private ownership, we should think about democratic vs. autocratic control of the economy. He argues that Western capitalist countries are not truly democratic. He believes a truly democratic society is one where everyone has a say in economic policy. He opposes powerful elites and organizations like the IMF and World Bank.
Chomsky points out that since the 1970s, the U.S. has become much more unequal. He says this is because financial rules were removed. He calls the U.S. a "one-party state." He sees both the Republican Party and Democratic Party as parts of a single "Business Party." This party is controlled by big companies and financial interests. Chomsky has said he considers Franklin D. Roosevelt the best U.S. president. He highlights that in Western democracies, most people have no control over economic decisions. These decisions are made by a small, wealthy elite.
Chomsky believes change is possible. This can happen through many people working together. They need to understand the problem and how to make the economy fairer. He knows that companies control much of the media and government. This makes big changes hard. But he sees hope in history. For example, slavery was once accepted but later rejected. Women's rights have advanced. Governments have been forced to explain their actions. He sees violent revolution as a last resort. He points out that revolutions can sometimes make people's lives worse.
Chomsky sees libertarian socialist and anarcho-syndicalist ideas as coming from classical liberal ideas of the Age of Enlightenment. He says his ideas are about "nourishing the libertarian and creative character of the human being." He imagines a future where workers directly control how things are made. Government would be run by workers' councils. These councils would choose temporary representatives. The goal is for every citizen to be "a direct participator in the government of affairs." He believes there would be no need for political parties. By controlling their work lives, people can find satisfaction and purpose. He argues that unpleasant jobs could be automated or shared.
Views on the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict
Chomsky has written a lot about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. He wants to make people more aware of it. He has long supported a plan for one democratic state in the Levant. This state would be home to both Jews and Arabs. He called the 1947 United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine "a very bad decision." However, given the current situation, he has also considered a two-state solution. This would mean two separate states existing on equal terms. In 2010, Chomsky was not allowed to enter the West Bank. This was because of his criticisms of Israel. He was supposed to give a lecture and meet with the Palestinian Prime Minister. An Israeli official later said it was a mistake.
Views on Mass Media and Propaganda
Chomsky's political writings often focus on ideas, power, mass media, and government policy. One of his most famous books, Manufacturing Consent, looks at how the media supports government policies. It also shows how the media ignores opposing views. Chomsky says this kind of censorship is subtle. It is harder to fight than the propaganda system in the Soviet Union. He argues that the main news media is owned by companies. So, it reflects their goals and interests.
He admits that many American journalists are dedicated and well-meaning. But he argues that the media's choices of topics, the ideas they assume are true, and the range of opinions they show are all limited. They reinforce the government's ideas. The media might criticize individual politicians. But it will not challenge the larger connection between the government and corporations. As proof, he points out that U.S. mass media does not employ socialist journalists. He also gives examples of important news stories that the U.S. media ignored. This is because reporting on them would make the country look bad. These include the killing of Black Panther Fred Hampton and massacres in Nicaragua by U.S.-funded groups. He also notes the constant reporting on Israeli deaths without equal coverage of Palestinian deaths. To fix this, Chomsky calls for democratic control of the media by ordinary people.
Chomsky thinks most conspiracy theories are not helpful. He says they distract from thinking about how policies are made within institutions. He separates his Propaganda Model from conspiracy theories. He describes institutions following their natural goals, not secret groups. He believes most education is not helpful. Chomsky says mass education was meant to turn farmers into factory workers who do not think for themselves.
Critics and Responses: 1980s–Present
In the 2004 book The Anti-Chomsky Reader, Peter Collier and David Horowitz accused Chomsky of choosing facts that only fit his theories.
For a conservative think tank, Peter Schweizer wrote in 2006 that Chomsky supports high taxes on inherited wealth and sharing income. But he does not want his own income shared. Schweizer criticized Chomsky for having an estate plan and protecting his book rights. He also noted Chomsky's high speaking fees, which were around $9,000–$12,000 per talk.
Nikolas Kozloff wrote for Al Jazeera in 2012. He said Chomsky "has drawn the world's attention to the various misdeeds of the US." But he also said Chomsky avoids controversy too much. He said Chomsky's website does not discuss certain topics.
Political activist George Monbiot argued that a "cult" has grown around Noam Chomsky and John Pilger. He said this cult cannot believe they could be wrong. It creates complex conspiracy theories to explain their mistakes.
Anarchist John Zerzan accused Chomsky of not being a true anarchist. He called Chomsky a "liberal-leftist politically." He said Chomsky was "reactionary" in his language theories. Zerzan also said Chomsky is a generous and tireless activist.
Chomsky's supporters say he has been censored or left out of public debate. These claims go back to the 1980s. Saul Landau wrote in The Washington Post in 1988. He said it was unhealthy that Chomsky's ideas were not part of policy discussions.
Noam Chomsky's Philosophy
Chomsky has also worked in several areas of philosophy. These include the philosophy of mind, philosophy of language, and philosophy of science. In these fields, he is known for starting the "cognitive revolution." This was a big change that rejected the old way of thinking, called logical positivism. It changed how philosophers think about language and the mind. Chomsky sees the cognitive revolution as rooted in 17th-century rationalist ideas. His idea that the mind has built-in structures for language and thought is more like rationalism than behaviorism. He named one of his key works Cartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History of Rationalist Thought (1966). This caused some criticism from historians and philosophers. They disagreed with his interpretations and use of philosophical terms. In the philosophy of language, Chomsky is known for criticizing the idea of how words refer to things. He also has ideas about how mental representations work.
Chomsky's famous 1971 debate with French philosopher Michel Foucault was a symbolic clash. Chomsky represented analytic philosophy, and Foucault represented continental philosophy. It showed big differences between two important thinkers. Foucault believed that human nature changes with how we see ourselves today. Chomsky believed human nature has universal parts, like a common sense of justice. Chomsky criticized postmodernism and French philosophy. He argued that their unclear language did not help working people. He has also debated other philosophers.
Chomsky's work covers intellectual and world history. This includes the history of philosophy. He often uses irony in his writing. He might imply that readers already know something is true. This makes the reader think more about his claims.
Noam Chomsky's Personal Life
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Chomsky tries to keep his family life, language studies, and political activism separate. He is a very private person. He is not interested in fame. His biographer suggests he is driven to tell what he sees as the truth. Chomsky knows his income gives him a privileged life. But he calls himself a "worker" who uses his mind as his skill. He reads many newspapers daily. He is not religious but approves of some forms of religion, like liberation theology.
Chomsky is known for using strong words when describing political and academic figures. This can divide his audience. But it fits his belief that much academic work is self-serving. His colleague Steven Pinker said Chomsky "portrays people who disagree with him as stupid or evil." He uses "withering scorn." This leads to strong reactions. Chomsky avoids academic conferences. He prefers to speak to activist groups or give university seminars to large audiences. He supports academic freedom. For example, in 1969, he supported Walt Rostow, a Vietnam War architect, returning to MIT. In 1989, he supported John Deutch for MIT president. Later, when Deutch became head of the CIA, Chomsky said he had "more honesty and integrity than anyone I've ever met."
Chomsky was married to Carol Doris (Schatz) from 1949 until she died in 2008. They had three children: Aviva (born 1957), Diane (born 1960), and Harry (born 1967). In 2014, Chomsky married Valeria Wasserman. They have a home in Brazil, her home country.
In 2023, Chomsky had a serious stroke. He was taken to a hospital in São Paulo, Brazil, to recover. He can no longer walk or communicate easily. This makes it unlikely he will return to public life. But he still follows current events, like the Israel–Hamas war. He was discharged in June 2024 to continue his recovery at home. That same month, false reports of his death spread online. News outlets later corrected these reports.
Images for kids
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Chomsky in 2017
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Noam Chomsky's signature
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Carol Schatz married Chomsky in 1949.
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The Great Dome at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT); Chomsky began working at MIT in 1955.
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Chomsky in 1977
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Chomsky at the 2003 World Social Forum, a convention for counter-hegemonic globalization, in Porto Alegre
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Chomsky speaking in support of the Occupy movement in 2011
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Set inclusions described by the Chomsky hierarchy
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Wasserman and Chomsky in 2014
- Anarchism in the United States
- American philosophy
- List of linguists
- List of peace activists
- List of pioneers in computer science
- Theory of language
